Missionaries, Administrators and Planters: The Dynamic of British Colonialism In Kavita Philip’s catalytic analyses of the interlocking of development and modernity, she focuses on the triumvirate of colonial administrators, missionaries and planters. Her aim is primarily to show that the guilt feelings of post colonial studies needs to be re-examined. Toward this end, she uses technology and science as an index to understand commerce and capitalism in the 19th century. Importantly, the significance of objectivity in social science lies for her in the courage to take on the past in a way that makes contemporary events more comprehensible. By looking at the dilemmas and questions of colonialism in relation to the elites of both Britain and India, she wishes analytical entry in to the ‘whited sepulchres’ of history. This curiosity is part of the way in which riddles are first posed, then answered. Getting past the friendliness quotient, and the tacit assumptions of how elites hold hands in the pursuit of wealth and status, becomes the primary indication of how reading the archives and secondary texts gives us the motives for aggrandizement and expansion (Philip 2003). Her book is an interesting guide post into the question of how lower caste communities were socialized into industrial work force through the missionizing movements of the London Missionary Society and the Basil Mission. The motif was as much to do with crafts such as the handloom and masonry industry, as it was to do with the preparation for an industrial work force. Evangelising movements such as Hindutva have long been known to do the same, using many of the principles of colonial Christian mission to organize working class movements into a religious framework conducive to a one nation, one religion format which the colonial authorities were well known for (Visvanathan 2000, 2007) Similarly Poornima Paidapati argues that it was militarization that produced the initial categorization of local communities as “primitive” demanding tribute from them as part of the imperial project. She communicates very emphatically that colonial and nationalist anthropology played a part in projecting through its concepts a fashioned and refashioned world view appropriated for development projects, braiding together the disciplines of military technology, anthropology and race science (Paidapati 2010: 13)). Her argument is that imperialism depended on the soldier- explorer- administrator who took on the task of reordering borders with the help of modern communication systems in a world where globalization required the framing of boundaries (ibid 25). Thus military officers of the colonial army were more genteel than the acquisitive traders and military scientists, and the former presented themselves as gentlemen invested in knowledge or as anthropological writers (31). Ofcourse, in Queen Victoria’s time, the combined role of providing order in a hierarchical colonial construction brought in the missionary as well (Visvanathan 2000). John Sullivan is one of the interesting characters that colonial historiography throws up among many. He is associated with the cultivation of potatoes in the hills (Visvanathan 2022) and a gregarious character who had many friends in colonial Shimla whom he hosted at generous hunting parties. Records of his dealings begin in the 1820s in the Nilgiris, and he is the subject of much curiosity. Frederick Price in his report of 1908 to Lord Ampthill, Governor of Madras, spends much time laboring over his account of the time when John Sullivan was in the Nilgiris.. The book “Ootacamund: A History” begins with an enquiry about medieval times, after the Synod of Udeyamperoor in 1599, whether the Toda were ancient dispersed Syrian Christians. Search parties were sent out through difficult terrain in 1602 but the information brought back was not ‘desirable’. Another search party was sent out, in 1603 by the Portuguese, but returned with a lot of information but no evidence of Christian belief among the Toda (Price 2012: 2). Sullivan is thought to have accompanied Whish and Kindersley in 1819 on the 2nd of January, considered to be a second tour of the Nilgiris by those British Collectors. The description of the products to be found were wheat, barley, peas, opium, garlic, mustard, and various species of millet, pointing as Price says, to the presence of the Badagas who were a cattle keeping community who practiced shifting cultivation in the Nilgiris (ibid 15). In May 1819, Mr Sullivan visited the Nilgiris again in the company of M. Leschenault, and the letters of this explorer are translated from French to English, providing details of climate, inhabitants and production by Rev. Hough in 1829 ( ibid 16). By the end of 1823, Sullivan was able to live in the house which he had constructed in Badaga country as it was near completion (ibid 17). According to the German missionary Metz, it was the Collector of Coimbatore, John Sullivan who had discovered Ootacamund. A friendly Badaga had invited him, seeing how much the Collector suffered in the heat, saying that, ‘It is so cold there the water becomes transformed into glass’ (ibid 18). Stonehouse, Sullivan’s home, was the first of many hundreds of houses that turned Ootacamund into a government sanitorium. For this to happen there had to be large swamps which were drained, and many forests cut down, which affected the streams. The visits that John Sullivan made in 1819 were kept a secret, or not made at all depending on one’s view of the reporting of it, which was nil. However, there are two orders, giving metreological information, dated 8th and 16th April 1822, which are attributed to John Sullivan. Letters signed by him go out from the Nilgiris in the month of May 1822. A professional gardener had been imported by him in late 1821, or early 1822 and was thought to be an overseer on behalf of John Sullivan. Kavita Philips quotes from a commentator Molly Panter Downes, “Gardening was a passion with Mr Sullivan. He sent for a gardener from England, a Mr Johnson, who was left in charge of building operations when the Collector had to tear himself reluctantly away to attend to the affairs of his district. With Johnson, in 1821, arrived the first English apple and peach trees and strawberries, the first seeds of flowers and vegetables. ...Potatoes were introduced and flourished. … A few years after Mr Sullivan’s arrival, gargantuan wonders were being compared as proudly as though their owners were competing in a village show at home. A beet is recorded as being nearly three feet round, a radish three feet long, and a cabbage plant eight feet high. Geraniums grew in hedges, and somebody’s verbena forgot its place and shot up to the sky in a trunk like that of a robust tree. English oaks and firs were planted…. in 1829 there were wild white strawberries, wild Ayrshire roses, and small, deep damask roses growing in Ooty. A convalescent young officer described Ooty as ‘presenting to the eye a wildered paradise’ (cited in Philip 2003: 44). It was during this time he was building his cottage Stonehouse, and applying for a lease on the land, which was the custom before occupying land. In 1835, he records being conversant with the custom of the Todas, and paying them for property which he occupied (Price 2012:20). On 5th July 1820, he is recorded as having visited the Nilgiris again, perhaps in the company of his wife and other members of the party, but where it is not stated. Price considers it impossible that they could have gone further than Dimhatti as it was the monsoon. The first visit that Sullivan made to Ootacamund is in 1821, and as his hut was built on the site of a single Toda hut, which the Badagas called Whottakamund or the single Toda house. This is offered as the origin of the name Ootacamund. (ibid 32). The Badaga guide having taken him there in April 1822, he started building his cottage, and left it in the care of his English gardener. By the 1830s administration was acting upon the widespread usurpation of lands in the Nilgiris by settlers, so John Sullivan produced a note saying that he had paid 100 rupees to the Todas on the area taken by him, at the rate of one rupee per acre. By 22nd May 1823, Stonehouse was sufficiently habitable for Mrs Sullivan to visit and stay. The first baptism of Ootacamund was of their son, recorded on that day, at Stonehouse. The child was born in February, as the Sullivans were at Coimbatore all of that month. Almost all of 1823 and 1824 were spent in Ootacamund, including the winter months, finishing Stonehouse, and establishing the lake (ibid 34).The source of stones for the building of the house was not established, but they still existed in the first decade of the 20th century and were incorporated into government offices. Copying the Sullivans, all of the Europeans in the government in the Coimbatore district built themselves houses too. They were given the directive that they should observe hierarchy of status and build lower than the Collector (ibid 35). In 1827, Sullivan rented his house to Government for Rs 490 a month, and it was converted into a sanatorium for sick officers. This arrangement continued till 1834 when it was returned, as the lease to government had expired. Sullivan may have used it sporadically till his retirement in 1841, for the rest of the time it was rented out. It was sold sequentially to various purchasers, and in 1858 it was opened as a school by the bishop of Madras. In March 1859, it was sold to the Lawrence asylum, and the school reopened at Lovedale (ibid 37). By 1875, Stonehouse became the site of government meetings though ‘ no native clerks were taken up’ (ibid 38). The house was renovated to accommodate married clerks at the edges of the property in what were called Connemara cottages, and in 1871 cypress trees were planted as ornamental trees. In 1872, fencing of 16 acres was completed with the planting of rosa multiflora at a cost of 800 rs. Old Ootacamund was to be planted with grass, rose and trees in the manner of the English garden, and the cost was put at 4000 rs, and administration was shocked but sent 2000 rs for the project, which entailed 60 or 70 acres to be enclosed as park and walk ways (ibid 40). In the long run there was no sign of expenditure, work or relics of the proposed park, and the land was left to develop by the rules of nature ( ibid 41). Northeast of Stonehouse is the first British cemetery with a soldier called Harrington buried there in 1823, and in 1830, Miss Eliza Mcleod was also interred there. It not being a consecrated cemetery, an oak tree planted by Mr Sullivan was the only witness, and his son secured its continuity by not permitting it to be chopped down when Stonehouse became a government building ( ibid 41).The tree was still in existence in 1908 when Frederick Price wrote his forward to his book, which was a detailed report on land relations and property transactions in the 19th century ( ibid 42). John Sullivan promoted the idea of a sanatorium and set up gardens in Dimhatti and later in Ootacamund. Here he cultivated British fruits and vegetables and planted apple and peach trees as early as 1821 (ibid 43). Sullivan rented his houses to the government at a very high cost, and promoted the idea of horticultural experiments, for which he officially received 1910 acres, of which he fenced 200 acres for his personal use, never sharing his ambitions with anyone, or leaving sign of his proposed work on growing trees or planting vegetables. In 1829 the Government complained to the Court of Directors that Sullivan had ownership of land five times above the collective of settlers put together (ibid 44). Price concludes that because Sullivan failed in his agrarian pursuits, the land remained beautiful. Eight years of Sullivan’s control was followed by Kelso who brought in the institutional mechanisms of colonialism specifically the barracks, or the cantonment as it was called. Roads, residences and sanitation all improved for the utility of the British colonial presence. The discovery of Ootacamund was not Sullivan, according to Price, but attributed to the Collectors of Tanjore and Guntur, Kindersley and Whish. The lake was certainly in Sullivan’s plan of making Nilgiris accessible to administration, military and native functionaries but it was done by the simple expedient of damming up several streams. Further, the reflections of the government was that Sullivan neglected his duties in the districts apportioned to him, and spent most of his time in the Nilgiris ( ibid 47). Sullivan wanted credit for his contribution to the discovery and development of Nilgiris, but he was publicly denied them in a report by Government in 1830 (ibid 45). The Paper Trail of Colonial Transactions Deborah Sutton’s careful analyses of government documents follows the narrative of Frederick Price’s book Ootacamund, which is a commissioned report (1912) on the evolution of the town of Ooty. Methodologically, Sutton’s book ‘Other Landscapes’ is important because it works with local archives in India and UK, following the trail of Fredrick Price and hisbibliography to contest imperial preoccupations with taking over the land of local communities. It sets up a dynamic between local communities and their claims over ‘land, people, objects, structures’ and the strategies of colonial bureaucracy and vested interests of plantation settlers. (Sutton 2009: 8). In trying to understand the nature of transformation of the ‘village, the forest, the settlement and plantation’, she wishes to understand resistance as the basic substratum of indigenous peoples to colonization. The forms of continuous evolution of these categories also points our attention to concepts which we use in Sociology such as migrants, caste, class, race and tribe. Sutton’s basic questions are about sedentarization of land, revenue collection in the colonial state, the intermediaries permitting accommodation between local communities and colonial forces. (ibid 9). She sees this process of transformation in the setting up of stabilizing institutional structures such as houses, hospitals, barracks, clubs, schools and gardens, along with the imposition of colonial law. This facilitated the entry of civilians, administrators, military and police. Since entry prioritized laissez faire policy of the early visitors to the Nilgiris, who climbed the hills and built houses, then sold them or leased them or gifted them, the rule of Law was often at variance with the actions of mercenary traders or settlers ( ibid 15). In 1829, nine Todas wrote a petition saying that they had lived in the Nilgiris ‘since time immemorial’ and had been considered to be the masters of these forests (ibid 18). The petition was witnessed by Sullivan who had built the first stone house and mediated between the Todas and the colonial bureaucracy while being a member of the latter. The term “gudu” was used by them to say that the received compensation, for lands which had been alienated was not sufficient for the building of public institutions. The petitioners did not contest colonialism, they wanted higher compensation matching the payments made by individual settlers like Sullivan and protection of their grazing lands. The petition meant that the Todas would demand the codification of their rights and the possibility of reinterpretation and interrogation in courts of laws and revenue offices ( ibid 18,19). The relation between Todas, Kotas and Badagas was complementary, and their co -relation was understood in relation to what the colonists called wastelands, but which for these forest inhabitants was certainly the commons. Clearly there was forceful appropriation by the colonists by offering small sums of money to a nomadic community/pastoral community and then when refused, just taking over the land. Sutton writes, that in the case of the Badagas, they remonstrated against the usurpation of their lands in Old Coonoor. Thomas who mediated out of self interest said that the Badagas had said to the Madras Government, ‘True, you give us money for our land, we take it and spend it, on cattle or jewels–but our land is irrevocably gone and what are our children, who must live by the land, to do?” ( ibid 96) Thomas was what Sutton calls a synechdoche or a representational figure for the colonial administration. “A petition written in 1863 recalled Thomas’ part in the violence of the displacement. Badagas remembered Thomas as the man who ‘Took 12 canies [sic] of land ... we refused ... and at that time he ordered to keep us in the Cutcherry and took our former ground.’ (ibid 97). Further, as the local communities had long memories of the deprivations forced upon them, The barracks had unleashed upon the land a new society of soldiers, engineers and camp followers who knew and cared little about the arrangement and priorities of the local communities (ibid 98) While the British had given assurance that their would be no trespass over the lands of local communities by their people, the camp followers spilled over, and preferred to live outside the barracks, fearing molestation by soldiers (ibid 98). There was no recording of the everyday terrorization of people by those who wished to appropriate land. Between 1828 and 1832, land was classified in 15 different ways. British settlers thought the commons was uncultivated land or wasteland. In Ketti, the local revenue pattas were burnt by ‘accident’ in 1832. Since the Badagas practiced shifting cultivation, the pattas or witness representations of land ownership were found hard to decipher, as they asserted that they had farmed the lands for four generations before houses were built ( ibid 57, 58). The British established evidence for the “absence of cultivation” from the memories of European informants. In April 1837, the Badagas from Keti accepted Rs 853-4-5 in compensation for the land lost during the six years that it had been included in the government farm. They refused, however, to accept the compensation for the land now kept by government, claiming that ‘we have possessed these lands from time immemorial, they have been manured and tilled in a manner suited to the best cultivation ... in addition to this, ... our deity lives there and ... if we sell it, we shall be unfaithful to him’( ibid 62 ). The Badagas, like the Todas at Ootacamund, chose to recognise the money on offer to them as part of a transaction from which they were free to withdraw. The British saw refusal as tantamount to getting the land for free. After one year, the compensation offer would lapse, and money be returned to the treasury (ibid 63. The Badagas, unlike the Todas, received less preferential treatament and were typecast as indolent and savage. Badaga land tenure was thought to be in need of reformation at the end of the 1850s. By the late 19th century, the land was sought to be revenue lands, in order to control shifting cultivation, which had been abolished by the British in 1862. (ibid 48). The manual of 1849 had asserted that the colonial state was the primary landlord. The cadastral and cartographic survey carried out by Captain J. Ouchterlony, both settler and owner of coffee plantations in Wynad was to set up the limits of a nebulous landscape and provide a survey of the manufactures and products of the hills as well as the scientific aspects of botany and ethnology (ibid 53). After measuring existing agriculture of local communities at 23, 772 acres, Ouchterlony generously allowed 200,000 acres for colonial intervention (ibid 34).When the manual passed into law, the British started to use maps only to define the administrative limits of settler occupation, a jigsaw puzzle of ownership to be assessed rather than the picture of a landscape. Since the manual demanded that ownership be defined in terms of leases the notion of ownership was always in question, and there was tension between settlers and administrators. Until 1857, in mediating between, ‘advancing European and the receding native occupier’, Collector Edward B. Thomas had deliberately discouraged the grant of new lands to indigenous communities nearby the three European settlements, preferring to keep hill communities settled in ‘distant localities’ (ibid 38). As a result, it was local communities who were to be spatially restricted ( ibid 56). The building of the barracks meant that indigenous people were edged out, and did not access their traditional pasture lands (ibid 85). Captain Francis, the Military Engineer who oversaw the construction of the barracks planned the building of a dam which would flood Badaga land (ibid 86). Ouchterlony, (the colonial surveyor) had included in his map certain areas outside of the barracks, which was Badaga land. Old Coonoor had also been assimilated into the property of the British state. In 1851, the military decided to appropriate this land in practical terms. The Badagas resented this and demanded the safety of passage for their cattle, and the holy stone belonging to the neighbouring Todas to be protected (ibid 87). The shola or evergreen forest was destroyed, and the stone too was damaged (ibid 88). In 1852, the Badagas of Old Coonoor refused to accept the Rs 150 annual compensation granted to them two years before (ibid 89). This led the Collector W. E Underwood to believe that the precedent of paying compensation would later be used by indigenous communites as an obstacle to land transfer to the British (ibid 37). Artisans and camp followers encroached into protected Badaga land, as they did not want to be in the proximity of soldiers, fearing molestation ( ibid 38). Land considered to be sold by manipulated pattas as having been formerly shifting cultivation was condoned by the British ( ibid 39) Protests from local communities were met with baffled incredulity by purchasers ( ibid 57). There was no question either of equality or of visibility of the local vendor. The colonists represented Badaga villages as being a couple of ‘wigwams’ which had to be bought off rather than constituting a settled village. Settlers with proposed plantations needed to be near Toda and Badaga villages, to benefit from manure, firewood and labour ( ibid 58) On the other hand, administrators and plantation owners continued to complain about Badaga and Toda cattle using pathways on settlement land ( ibid 59). Tension between grazing lands as legitimate Badaga grounds, and the ambition of tea planters with pattas was the matter of much dispute. The British were also able to harness much land by neglect of registering pattas, and simultaneously submitting claims with nervous or eager anticipation (ibid 63). Suppression of the natives was required in order to establish plantations, they were summarily told to resettle on the other side of the river. When told that was Kota land, the colonists maintained that the grass lands they appropriated from the Badagas and Todas were unworthy of breeding cattle, and were wastelands. When the Badaga cattle breeders used their customary paths, the colonists complained saying that they were walking over their fields ( ibid 64). Benefitting from the illiteracy of local community, the settlers were able to put individuals who had promised grazing land sale but then defaulted, into jail ( ibid 69) Settlers often claimed more land than they had actually procured, thereby ousting indigenous populations, but were implicated in law court cases only if they had provided proof that they had usurped forest land, which was under the rule/ ‘monopoly’ of the British ( ibid 72). By taking away wasteland from indigenous communities in order to tax cultivable land, the commons was rendered a redundant category (ibid 73). Since cultivable land had to be distinguished from grazing land, the Collector John Sullivan had systematized the soil classification without increasing the previous taxable amount (ibid 82) Eight classifications of soil used by Badaga cultivators were noted by the Malabar Collector for the purposes of tax collection, a figure which, by the 1850s, had increased to nineteen. These classifications, reduced to levels of revenue assessment by systems of fiscal administration, were derived from a complex typology of soil classifications. Fields bore names according to their location, crop and soil. It seems that the Badagas, though an expanding, settled agricultural community, adapted their agrarian regime to the fragility of the soil, limiting permanent agriculture to valley floors and using extensive fallow over the thin hillside soils. This strategy is in stark contrast to the techniques employed by early settlers who were convinced that the landscape could be manipulated and reworked. Ouchterlony, for example, noticed that the Badagas ‘failed’ to strip the top soil from swamps, a strategy immediately used by settler agriculturists to enrich thin soils elsewhere ( ibid 82) Badaga sale of grains, butter, opium, honey, plant products for material, ritual and culinary purposes, and milk products happened in Coimbatore, and Kota and Toda members would join them. Most of this cash transaction for hill goods was conducted between communities, and among their own people. They were able to buy jewellery from Malabar, and procure what they needed such as iron bars for their axes and ploughs, and currency for tax payments, from their sales of wheat, wax, honey and opium. Their cultivation cycle was from April to December, while in January to March, they repaired houses, collected firewood and prepared for the long season of work on their lands and with their cattle ( ibid 83). Land rights remained abstract, as descriptions provided by settlers were vague, and could not be verified. Badagas too were accustomed to use value of land, and could not specify when and where their cattle grazed The state was not in possession of any comprehensive cadastral or cartographic knowledge in the mediation of land grants and sales. The only authoritative knowledge held by the state over land was its possession of the power to grant land. While the local authorities could question, and very occasionally reverse, the purchase claims of settlers during disputes, the claims in this case were against not only the settler but also, by merit of his grant, the authority of the state. The state could find for the indigenous claimant against the colonist only when involved as a third party, ostensibly mediating between indigene and settlers ( ibid 65). The utilization of the commons by Badagas was now limited by the category of waste lands owned by the British. They would now have to compete with settlers at public auctions to retain or buy land from the colonial state ( ibid 97). Inability to pay rents and taxes meant that hill communities were absorbed into labour in tea plantations. Since by the late 19th century the shifting cultivation was seen to be deleterious for revenue cultivation and production of taxes, the land which was once grazing or cultivable lands for local communities became taxable plantation land. Revenues from plantations were higher than those of the commons.To meet revenue demands, Badaga turned to wage labour, and when plantations were low in production during famine or drought years, they were not paid, but had outstanding credit with merchants. Once they were paid, they reimbursed the merchants but did not have much money remaining to them (ibid 99). The Badaga took to selling firewood to the barracks which used two tonnes a day, as approximately 400 fires burned everyday in colonial hearths ( ibid 109). However cutting of forests was statistically higher by the forest department which needed clearing for coffee, cinchona and tea plantations. However local communities were blamed for deforestation though the felling by them was not statistically equivalent to the colonial authorities ( ibid 111). Since de forestation and the coming of settlers led to the appropriation of springs for private uses, and other consequences the administrators set down certain rules regarding “wastelands” and cutting of the sholas. The Director of forests decreed that springs must be protected, trees above 4500 feet should not be cut to protect rainfall, and the aesthetics of the landscape must be preserved (ibid 115).The tea planters challenged the directive saying that tea could not be propagated below 5000 feet and there were already precedents for deforestation by other planters. However, it was the local communities who were thought by forest officers and planters to be the greatest threat to the forest by practices such as grazing, hunting and shifting cultivation ( ibid 116). The protection of sholas was now seen to be the purview of colonial administration, and the reservation of shola forests to marginal spaces such as swamps and ravines promoted. Taxation of forest dwellers for constructing cattle pens of homes was part of the manner in which the forests were defined as belonging to the British. After castigating the Badagas for causing forest fires, the British planters started to invent a whole new forest for commercial use with imported acacia saplings from Australia. By the late 19th century, the total area of gum tree plantations for construction and fire wood purposes was 1019 acres. Once the shola were cleared, the acacia, coffee, tea and cinchona plantations were accorded the status of aesthetic landscapes. The relations between planters and local communities were based on indifference on the part of the latter who refused to take interest in planting acacia and cinchona on their lands, and continued to use old grazing pastures which were now planters cash crop gardens (ibid 123). The planters also demanded that given the profitability of cash crops, it should be understood that plantations should be on shola lands, not on grasslands( ibid 125). The London and Madras governments was against the belligerence of the Shola protectors and the destruction of the forests by the planters. Forest officers however were protective of the planters, as the acacia and eucalyptus plantations had proved to be extremely rotten, vulnerable to disease, and as saplings eaten up by hares ( ibid 126).There were ideological differences between administrators. Men like H. E Sullivan protested about the large acreage put under reservation, but the counter argument was that this would lay restrictions on Badaga grazing, which would benefit the planters ( ibid 138). From those who were biased toward the planters, being proprietors themselves, the argument was that felling Shola would promote tourism, as visitors to plantations would now be able to access the waterfalls (ibid 140). The preservation of shola forests was entirely because of the aesthetic promotion of leisure tourism, but these too were under threat from the plantations. The exoticisation of the Toda was a necessary aspect of creating surveillance and classification as a mode of administration, according to Kavita Philip ( ibid 159). The problem with colonial classification was that the Toda were a dispersed population, with many different names for the same topographical features, and prohibitions for entry or naming for specific individuals including women ( ibid164). One of the problems of alienation of Toda patta through lease to planters, was that it was considered invalid and posed the contradiction of being part of the commons on which the Toda munds or settlement was paying taxes, though the land had been sold for individual gain. These were then called ‘Toda cases’ as they went to court, and the resolution was that such land either went to the Government as waste land, or could be retained by the buyer, who was a planter ( ibid 166). All the varied contestations over dubious land deals led to the Toda being, in the name of spiritual and religious integrity, forced to remain in reservations which consisted of shola, buildings and cattle pens. In 1883, the British legally decreed that all privileges to the Toda were to the tribe, not to individuals, and so no individual could sell land. The Toda resisted pattas without individual names, and it was thought by the tehsildar that such erosion of individual names would mean no control over tax payers ( ibid 167). Both Kavita Philip and Deborah Sutton have used interdisciplinary methods, bringing into focus the manner by which colonial anthropologists played a political part in domesticating the landscape and people for imperialist profit. Tea plantations in particular played an important part in post globalized economies, as climate change made many latitudes incapable of growing tea, as monsoon patterns became variable. Universities, according to Baldeep Singh,( a former President of the Tea Planter’s Association in India and in Uganda) became a necessary platform to understand the future of tea production and consumption. Labour relations and life in the lines for cooli labour continued much as in colonialism, with the possibility that co operative tea estates, as in Munnar, Kerala could be the resolution of disparities. For this, ethnography will provide answers. References Paidipaty, Poornima. L. 2010. Tribal Nation: Politics and the Making of Anthropology in India 1874-1967 Unpublished PhD thesis Columbia University. Philip, Kavita 2003 Civilising Natures: Race, Resources and Modernity in Colonial South India Delhi: Orient Blackswan Price, Frederick 2012 Ootacamund, A History Delhi: Rupa Sutton, Deborah 2009 Other Landscapes Chicago: NIAS Press Acknowledgements: This review essay was made possible by the kindness of Saagar Tewari, Renny Thomas, Tanweer Fazal, Lam Khan Piang, Rabi Prakash, Rukun Advani and Deborah Sutton, who facilitated my access to books and internet materials

Arcot Lutheran Mission, Tiruvannamalai:Dalit Re-Negotiations

Notes for Dalit Renegotiations: Arcot Lutheran Church in Tiruvannamalai, Tamil Nadu. Religion is an epiphenomenon. Caste identity is a substratum. This listing or labeling is a process of social exclusion. Religion is about two generational or three generational choice about belongingness. Thus there may be Hindu or Christian Dalits in the same family. Rituals can be shared, or participated in across religious boundaries. Food associated with ceremonies can cross borders, as can choice of marriage partners. Ideology as Social Fact and Cultural Representation Caste has many commonalities with Race primarily in terms of how individuals are identified with domination or servility. Those who dominate others can use any excuse to do so and often use tradition or the collapsing of time across hundreds of years (‘This is how it always was’). Money, ritual hierarchy, political clout all work to underline hierarchy. Therefore, Dalits are assimilated into working class configurations because the Master class demands it. Within this, there is the further socialisation within the lower caste to accept their humiliation, and to engage with the master class with the paraphernalia of a learned passivity. Didier Fassin writing of the dangers of being black, young and living in the suburbs of Paris, argues that running from the police, even when not guilty, is the embodied memory that teenagers have of being caught, interrogated, and possibly imprisoned. They do not know why they are running, but this very act of escaping is a collective phenomenon, for they expect to be ill treated (Fassin 2013: 9,10). This embodied memory of hunger, deprivation, joblessness, lack of access to institutions and the privileges of citizenship is what Dalits carry with them. However educated they become, however respected professionally, they communicate that they come from communities which have been continually suppressed since time immemorial. Films like Patal Lok, Jai Bhim and Article 15 look at the plight of the poor in relation to the coercive power of the police or the State, representatives of whom enter into vituperative dialogues to communicate warrior hood and domination. This language is renegotiated with the appearance of the compassionate policeman, the discerning lawyer and the keen journalist. Each of them is able to document the everyday violence that the poor experience by charting a course of life and work, which uses the trope of the charismatic actor in Weberian terms. Such a person uses the charter of normative rules to carve a path different from those who believe that violence is a given in traditional society, having ritual or ecclesiastical legitimacy. In this respect allegiance to Periyar is something which goes along with a deep belief in Christological themes of deliverance. Dalit family histories are extremely evocative suggesting generations of toil before the family can achieve assimilation into blue collar or white collar status. Biography as Social and Historical Mnemonic Paul’s mother went to Malaysia by ship in the 1930s. Her husband died there. She was advised by people to return to Tamil Nadu. She had a son born in Malayasia, and was destitute, so she came to Lebanon, a Destitute Widows’ and Children Home in Tiruvannamalai, Tamil Nadu. Her son and his wife came to Tiruvannamalai out of poverty, they were farmers who came because the village was hierarchical, and Dalits had to live in a different quarter. Paul’s father was a teacher in Saron, a boy’s school set up by Arcot Lutheran Mission (ALC) and Paul came there with his parents at the age of four. He has deep love and admiration for the Danish Mission. “We are Christians. For other Christians, Palestine and Jerusalem are the holy places, but for us, it is Denmark.” He went to Europe for three months as a scout leader, spending one month in Sweden, and two months in Denmark in 1987. Tamil Nadu has made the mobility of Dalits possible because of education. Education is the only way by which liberation can be sought. Paul says his grandmother owned only one saree. She washed it in the pond, and waited for it to dry, before wearing it. That is what his father told him. Through education, and the state’s support through salaries and pensions (he retired three years ago at the age of 60) he is able to have a level of prosperity that he could not have imagined as a child. He never thought he could own a house, build his own house. Tamil Nadu has been supportive to farmers and displaced labour. He says that they receive 20 kilogrammes of free, (or very low priced) rice from the ration shop per month. For him, his memories of his grandmother, whom he had never seen, come to him from his father. His father said that she was very strong. Paul has a photo of hers, a small post card - stamp sized one, which a Danish mission lady sent him. He told her his grandmother’s name, and the village she was from. He said, “I have never met her, since she died in 1959”. The Danish missionary recognized his description of her, then sent him a photo of her which was in her files, which he had enlarged and framed. She looks sharp featured, about 50 years old, wearing a silk saree. As for the stigma of being Dalit, he shrugs, and says: “They will not marry us, but we farmers will not marry cobblers’ daughters or fisherpeople’s daughters or Irulas so how are we different? Every community sticks to their own.” Gabriel Dietrich writes in this general context that : “It is very difficult to understand how caste could have survived in the extent it did, in present day Indian society, or why even those people who are at the bottom of the caste hierarchy often stick to the system and insist on treating others as “inferior” while they refuse to question the “superiority” of those who are considered as “higher” ( Dietrich 1992:32, Kawashima 1998:169). Education and Inter Faith Dialogue Facilitation by Quo Vadis in Tiruvannamalai, Tamil Nadu Paul says that the upper castes treat Dalits badly, pay them low wages, but like their work. He knows that they as a family escaped the poverty of his forbears because they had education. The very rights that education provide, the liberation, the legal privileges: all of these are conspicuous, but without education there can be no upliftment. He has been part of the interfaith movement, called Quo Vadis, started by his friend Joshua Peter, who tried to bring people of different faiths together, exhorting them to be focused in their own religious practice, but to understand the faith of others (Visvanathan 2022.) Technology has made the world so much easier and cultures compatible. Paul believes that the kingdom of God is within us, and that it is here and now. His deep faith is about practice, generosity, the sharing of ideas, the very nature of post modern communication as a realization of our world as experiential. In The Church for Others and The Church or the World (1967) the World Council of Churches in two reports arising from consecutive meetings with church leaders argues that the concerns of secular society are increasingly important; war and peace, cybernetics, racialism, demography, class, struggle, fundamentalisms. Mission is about history, the Christ of history (WCC 1967: 14). In this task of comparative analyses where sociologists are on call, which is shared with people of other faiths, dialogue is a specialized task with the theologian in charge. Here, the central focus is on the sermon, biblical exegesis, training in discernment, meditative reflections on the contemporary situation (ibid 25). While this is the conventional view of church ecclesiastical functionaries, Joshua Peter and Paul Visuvasam, who are grass roots in their approach, suggest a more intense experiential dialogue process, where people share their faith, opinions and plans in conversational interaction where the leaders rise from the community in everyday praxis (interview 20th July 2022). Like race, caste segregation is ideologically motivated. It allows for dominant or dominating castes to impose their identity politics on lower castes, maintain them in a situation of servility. They may not sit with upper castes, eat with them, marry them, but they can work for them, maintaining the postures of subservience and tacit obedience. Paul says, if someone has money they can mingle, even marry, if two people fall in love, it is possible that their class situation will smoothen the match. However, his daughter says, ‘that it might happen, but usually such lovers get killed.’ (interview 6th July 2022) Schools run by the Lutheran mission are outside of the CSI and CNI. Lutheran mission schools are entirely Dalit, but are open to students of all religions. They were set up by Ziegenbalg, a German missionary, who got land from the British. Carl E.Ochs was a German missionary of the mid-19th century working in South India for the Leipzig Mission because he would not agree to its policy on caste (personal communication Kirsten Neumann Rajendran 21st July 2022), Simon Rasten suggests that the Danish missions were always in contestatory positions with the Nayaka rulers, local chiefs, rival trading posts and indigenous people subsumed within caste hierarchies (what Esther Fihl calls frictions) . He therefore suggests, following Neil Brimnes, that the imposition of colonial practices over the spice trade, essentially followed dialogic processes of culture. It was a constant process of negotiations and interplays at many levels, each actor wishing to encourage translation of views and cultural artifacts. They differentially sought to integrate one another into their exclusive world view. ( Rasten in Filh and Venkatchalapathy 2009: 44). Elisabeth Susan Alexander corroborates this contentious space of colonial ecclesiastical politics by arguing that the European trading posts were the site of Christian missionizing. She writes that Cuddalore was enroute to Madras, interlocked with important towns like Gingee, Tiruvannamalai and Salem. “It was also because it was a significant English settlement that Cuddalore, like Madras, was subject to constant attacks by political opponents as the rising English power negotiated and fought its way to political supremacy in South India by the turn of the 19th century.” (Alexander in Gross, Kumaradoss, Liebau 2006: 379). In such towns, local traders, dubashes, and artisans mingled. Ines Zupanov gives us a fascinating account of caste politics among Jesuit missionaries, where De Nobili’s contestatory Brahminic mode was in stark contrast with that of his contemporary Goncalo Fernandez, who was aware of the presence of the “classifiable” downtrodden and the diverse interests of the Paravas. Zupanov was very clear however that the huge literature produced by the Jesuits in the Madurai mission would percolate down as hymns, treatises, performative acts and literature ( ‘a legacy of the intellect’) to local communities, even when the denominational identity changed with Protestantism. (Zupanov, 1999: 116) Ecclessiastical Bureaucracy of the ALC All the office bearers of the Arcot Lutheran Church are Dalits,as testified by the Church /Parish Directory. Tranquebar Mission as it was called is the Tamil Danish Mission and Tiruvannamalai has the Arcot Lutheran Mission, which is a break away movement. Esther Fihl writes with Stine Simonsen Puri of the time of Ziegenbalg, “During this time another Christian mission - The Danish Missionary Society – also rooted in the Danish – Halle society found its way to the South Arcot district, a little north of Tranquebar. As social workers and educators, the missionaries mainly dealt with families in economic and social distress” ( Fihl and Venkatchalapathy , 2009: 10) Having provided the contestary background to the establishment of the Arcot Lutheran Church, it is interesting to look at the stable environment of the Saron School in Tiruvannamali (Visvanathan 2022}. Saron School is 150 years old, and has children who study in English medium, Tamil Medium and Urdu Medium. It had been established by Sofus Berg, who had arrived in India in 1887, and went on to start a mission station in Tiruvannamalai. The school led to a growing congregation. The emphasis was on spiritual growth as the Danish Missionary Society was against mass movements (Bugge 1994:68). The revivalist movements had meant that there was close scrutiny by the DMS regarding the faith of the believers. It had to be questioned, verified and ratified that the new converts were indeed believers. It is for this reason Joshua Peter had affirmed in personal conversation in 2006, and again in 2022, that there was no increase in numbers of the Arcot Lutheran Church, except by biological and natural reproductive processes. The Danish Missionary Society had been founded in 1821 by Bone Falch Ronne, who had wanted his new society to stand outside all control by the Danish Church (ibid 64). Present Circumstances of ALC Schools The new problems that Dalits in Tiruvannamalai are facing are drug abuse and suicide in the ALC schools. After Covid, the schools are bursting at the seams, more children are coming and are being accommodated. In Saron Boarding School, in Tiruvannamalai, the children are from different communities. There are four schools, and four churches belonging to the Lutherans. Arcot Lutheran Church came into existence by the fact that Tamil Arcot Mission practiced caste, where different castes were given different communion cups. So the Tiruvannamalai mission came as a breakaway mission, where 95 percent of the parishioners are Dalit ( interview Kirsten Rajendran 8th July 2022). Origin of the Arcot Lutheran Church Henriette Bugge writes that “The first missionary to be hired by the DMS was a German, Carl E.Ochs, who previously had been employed by the Leipzig mission in south India. In 1854 he had a serious controversy with the Leipzing Society because he could not agree to its policy on caste. He had subsequently engaged in a bitter and long-winded dispute against the board and his former colleagues which resulted in his retirement from the Leipzig mission. Ochs then set up a mission of his own in South Arcot, but found it difficult to run. In 1863, he approached the DMS with an offer to turn his station at Melpattabakkam in South Arcot over to the DMS. His offer was accepted with enthusiasm and soon two young missionaries fresh from his mission school, were sent out to join Ochs” (Bugge 1994:64). Dalit sense of equality of purpose enriches the community, they feel that their experiential sense of here and now is perfectly in unison. Their sense of belonging in the world is just concrete, welcoming. This was corroborated by Rekha Raj in a presentation on 6th October 2022 at a Gender and Justice conference organized by Christian Institute for the Study of Religion in Manganam, Kottayam, Kerala. She said, “Dalits have a sense of identity and feel a great euphoria. For them citizenship rights are the most important, they are truly secular for they may belong to any religion or ideology, while remaining in the same family.” Yet, as the eclessiastical bureaucrats of the ALC communicate, post Covid trauma is everpresent. Bishop Kennedy feels that children are trying to cope in a post Covid world and need protection from ganja merchants. Three boys in an examination hall were too intoxicated to write the exam. Earlier it was the problem of the colleges but now it has percolated to the schools. To this end he says that they try to rehabilitate the children who have been corrupted. The Arcot Church has planned a study centre in Quo Vadis, a dialogue centre, which had been very successful for two decades of bringing people of different religions together. The unity of the world, of humankind is premised on the assumption that difference is to be celebrated (Visvanathan 2022). The Quo Vadis Centre and Library in Tiruvannamalai Rajendran is the co ordinator of the Quo Vadis, in settting up a syllabus for interfaith dialogue. He and his wife are theologians, former teachers at the Madurai Theological College. He is a student of Gabrielle Dietrich, whose name ALC members take very often with pride. This preoccupation with continuing interest in Dalit history and Christology makes Tiruvannamalai an interesting place for them to live in after retirement. Rajendran’s wife , Kirstine mentions that her father in law was also a pastor, and that every day, he cycled from church to church to carry the Lord’s word. These were essentially poverty struck villages, where landless labourers had willingly converted to Christianity. Work, food, belongingness. these were essentially very valuable. After being shunned by others, the ability to feel they belonged was the greatest gift that they received. Caste Hierachies and their Transmission The acclimatization of Ziegenbalg and Plutschau to the caste practices of Arcot was seen as something which was in keeping with respecting cultural codes. Ziegenbalg established a printing press in Tranquebar in 1713 and the first Tamil book to be printed here was a collection of sermons: then came Luther’s Catechism and a translation of the New Testament and parts of the Old Testament” (Bugge 1994: 58). These were not met with pleasure by the adversaries of Ziegenbalg such as the Jesuit C.J. Beschi in Madurai. Infact Ziegenbalg was ridiculed for using a lower class Tamil instead of a higher class Tamil. This was thought to be a serious mistake which would alienate the powerful upper castes from Christianity (ibid 58). It would imply that the missionaries were lower caste people, and unclean, who would pollute the upper castes. A century after Ziegenbalg, Abbe Dubos argued for translations of the Bible as summaries, without references to Jesus keeping company with fishermen, carpenters, and no doubt free women, traditionally referred to as ‘loose’ women (ibid 58). The South Arcot District, consisting of the rural towns of Tiruvannamalai Tindivanam,Villipuram, Tirukoilur, Kallakurichi, Cuddalore, Vriddachalam, Chidambaram ( ibid 14) had its proportion of rural poor, who became a source of mobile labour for the purposes of railway, dam and other colonial construction in the British period. It is to this outcaste population that the DMS worked for, providing them with religious instruction, as well as food, medicine and education from 1860 onwards, when Ochs of the Leipzing mission station merged with the DMS. The Liberal World View of Present Day TLC Theologians Joshua Peter said that “Yes, food is important to the hungry. The symbolism of the Lord’s body as food is ultimately significant. Bread is food, and the hungry are replenished.” The Quo Vadis group essentially keeps the principle of dialogicity alive through songs, conversations and meditational practice. They feel that they can present through lyrics their theology of coexistence. Human rights, freedom from hunger and distress, social inclusion…all of these are immensely important to the community. Church services are well attended bringing in the robust population of believing Christians to Saron church every Sunday. The ardour of women is represented through the choir, and the immediate responses to the parish priest. Women fill in the liturgical services, and the bible reading fragments in loud clear voices. They are able to find the passage requested by the priest in seconds. Evelyn Christensen writes that the unifying dimension of prayer, the presence of life cycle rituals, and the collectivity found in shared worship, because friends, clan members and neighbours are needed at family reunions or crises moments. Faith is the essential binder, and with it the understanding that God answers prayers. ( Christensen 1985: 110) The results of prayer are unity, wish fulfillment, support , transcendence of distance, and cultures, and the ability to forgive (ibid 128). Within the ecclesiastical hierarchy of the church, and its burearucracy, the priest has a predominant position in terms of his direct relation to the place (sacred sites) and people. Gabriel Dietrich writes that the priest is “supposed to be in some sort of perpetual institutionalised communion with God and as such functions as an intermediary between the people and god. …serves to perpetuate and to institutionalize religion by the performance of rituals, the formulation of religious theory and sometimes by the foundation of religious institutions, and therefore gives continuity and stability to religion . While the existence of priesthood is very important for safeguarding the continuity of religious traditions and often also for the transmission of knowledge and education, there are certain inbuilt mechanisms in the priestly profession which tend to make it a conservative, stabilizing force, but also often anoppressive and retarding force. The very privilege of being in communion with God gives the priest an opportunity to bestow on or withhold from people the benefits of the communion.“ (Dietrich 1991:17). Kirsten Rajendran draws attention to the fact that Arcot Lutheran theology draws deeply from the Nayanmar traditions of South India. Underlying the practices and beliefs of the local community are a sound understanding of how Saivite worship, and the understandings of the Siddhis, as poets, inform people’s religious practice. (personal communication 18th July 2022) Pastor Daniel said that the Covid years affected the poor in the community very terribly. Yet, there was a prayerful generosity which came from those who whole heartedly came out to help those in circumstances more difficult than their own. They were able to support families which were stranded in their town during Covid. Part of the problem of the breakdown between the federal aspects of democracy and the rule of the Centre can be understood in terms of the failure of bureaucracy, and the alliance between vested political interests in government and the bureaucrat. Dalits and Survival during Covid All over the subcontinent the bureaucrat/clerk has a bad reputation. Files are always pending, money changes hands, there is too close an alliance between bureaucrats and politicians, and women are usually marginalised. When criminality is rampant, then bribes are seen as being only that ‘mild an event’ as tax evasion. Nepotism and clan loyalties are seen to be normal, as is favouring of friends and loyal subordinates. Satish Saberwal argued in Wages of Segmentation that bureaucracy in India is enmeshed in village and caste and clan loyalties, that because industrialisation was imposed on us in the 19th century, the real adaptative process never took place. The partisan bureaucrat, when acting in a friendly and intimate fashion, can reorder reality by promoting the good of some people over the good of the citizens whom he purportedly serves. Since the process of going to the courts is a disruption of daily duties and obligations, the bureaucrat as robber baron, who has government employees as lawyers working for him, can create tremendous obstacles to the real issues surfacing. Since bureaucracy and its contracts are linked with personages and with codified or inscribed materials, the robber baron bureaucrat is well able to relieve honest officers of their duty or to transfer them, where they cannot be of harm to him/her/they. Yet, even with digitalisation of files, all materials are up for scrutiny, and so opaque and self gratifying acts become visible to all, unless we are functioning in an oligarchy. With this framework in mind, we can well understand why food distribution to people in camps or villages was not made possible during Covid, why 44,000 crores of rupees was made unavailable for this purpose, and millions of workers were forced to walk back home. Redistribution of Food as Ethics of Coexistence During Covid 19 in Arcot Lutheran Church There was a circus which had come to the town, with artists and animals. During lockdown 2020 -2021, they were stranded in Tiruvannamalai with 60 crew members and their animals. Pastor Daniel, parish priest of the ALC, felt really sad for them, but when they asked for help (money), he agreed to provide them three meals a day with the help of his parishioners. No one in his parish had money, but they collected food, and Rev Daniel saw to it that they were fed for two months of their incarceration. The circus manager locked all the artists into separate camps, all the young girls were put into one tent, and not allowed to go out. They were literally self incarcerated there for two months, but luckily neither they nor their animals suffered any fatalities. Poverty is something Dalits remember well, and worse, destitution, but their ethic is to surrender to fate, and to remember those who had helped them. In turn, when they are able, they immediately provide what they have to others to share. It is like Christ’s story of the old woman who shared everything she had, giving away her only coin to help others in destitution. Lebanon: Weavers, Widows and Sanctuary for the Destitute Thyagarajan is the manager of the Destitute home in the Arcot Lutheran Campus of Lebanon. His family came to Tiruvannamalai on the invitationof Dan Mission in 1959, when he was ten months old. They were farmers, from the caste of goldsmiths, invited in to farm the land, and because they were poor, they agreed, and were given a small house on the Lebanon campus. They stayed on, and joined the community, and served the church. They were Hindus, but converted to Christianity, though he says that there was no compulsion or requests. Of the dozen weavers under his care, most remain Hindus. Thyagarajan manages the home for destitute women three days a week, and returns to his home in Cuddalore, 100 kms away. He introduced me to the weavers whom he supervises. They make cotton towels, bedcovers and bags from yarn procured from Chennai or Kanchipuram. Their wages are meager, the church is not permitted foreign funds, the tourists who would come from Denmark, and Germany and USA stopped arriving after Covid 19. The work went on, though the abject condition of Dalitness does not go away. The women, came in to Lebanon as widows by invitation, brought up their children on campus, the children grew up, found jobs and got married, having children of their own, and jobs in nearby cities like Bengaluru and Chennai. Nothing really changes in their lives, they do not see Christianity as opening new doors to prosperity, but atleast they feel that they are free from caste abuse, and have a room of their own with free water and electricity, with frequent hand outs of garden produce. After many decades, Lebanon is beginning to start organic farming, and they produce some vegetables, coconuts and fruits. But now, they are keen to begin rice cultivation. The well which is 150 years old, like the school and home for destitutes, can actually provide water for cultivation. But that too, is hard work, requiring a pair of bulls, or a tractor. Once they find the funding they will be able to start farming in earnest. Thyagarajan says that Dan Mission’s logos has always been “For God and India.” He understands the right to be Indian as something intrinsic to the life they have in Lebanon. There are prayers, hymns, Eucharistic services, Sunday School in the Lutheran church, but the destitute women are only witnesses to the hardwork of the missionary women Miss Else and Miss Lindenmayer who worked immensely hard till old age and death overcame them as the trustees of Lebanon campus. These widows have never thought to leave the campus. Their children grow up, find menial or low paid jobs in the city, marry, bear children. They may or may not come to collect their mother, and take her with them, but often the women remain where they are fearing the consequences of being trapped in smaller living spaces in urban ghettos, and losing what little freedom they have. Sometimes, out of their tiny stipend they save money to visit their children, and in turn, their children sometimes help them financially. Paul Gilroy writes that “race and nation, the higher and the lower become integrated in this vocabulary in the life of the camps, The dominant varieties were bound to the subordinate by their shared notions of what nationality entailed. The forms of nationalism that invoke that mode of belonging exemplify camp-thinking. They have distinctive rules and codes, and however bitterly their various practitioners may conflict with each other, a common approach to the problem of collective solidarity is betrayed by shared patterns of thought about self and other, friend and stranger; about culture and nature as binding agents and about the technological institution of political collectivities to which one can be compelled to belong.” (Gilroy 2000: 82) If Dalits have survived on subsistence farming traditionally or on foraging, today they feel that their children have needs for education and for social mobility. A glance, a kind word from the camp manager is highly valued. A sense of tactility is also missing and deeply sought. Words are comforting, as is the presence of the superintendent, who had 9 siblings all of whom grew up on the Arcot Lutheran Campus. Where church institutions are denigrated by the state, and the term ‘rice christians’ used with contempt, Arcot Lutheran missionaries remember Else Kroj with affection. She came as a young woman and took care of all of them. She was a school teacher from Denmark, who spent her life in Tiruvannamalai in charge of the Saron school, and living in a missionary house in the campus of the home for destitute women. She did not set herself above the poor whom she ministered to. If children were naughty and the teachers complained, she said “ Let them be, don’t overburden them, teach them, and in the holidays, let them go home” (interview Paul Visuwasam 9th July 2022) She was the great Mother, the presence of the great comforter, who lived in austerity and in the company of the poor. A lot of the anger against Christian missionaries is because it is felt that they are taking people away from Hinduism. However, the poor are considered to be outcaste. As a result, their suffering and affliction is not considered worthy of interest. It is believed that because of their karma in their past they have been reborn as the lowest of the low. However, they have a sense of self worth, coming from community identity, something which the collater of Ambedkar’s collected works, Vasant Moon, described in detail as the charms of living in the chawl (Moon 2001). Living in Tamil Nadu, Dalit Lutherans feel that the state is supportive. The state provides a sense of well being and succor. Rations are freely available to each family, and mission schools like Dan mission also provide state supported salaries to the teachers, with pensions when they retire. What happened to Fr Stan Swamy in Maharashtra could never happen in Tamil Nadu, according to them. There are church quarrels, and church skirmishes, but these are quickly handled in a rational fashion. Theologians trained in Lutheran theological colleges in Madurai or Chennai return with a sense of self confidence, a mastery over liturgy, hymns and scriptures. Sermons and hymn singing, prayer and meditation are thought to have tremendous power in each life. The Hymns of James Theophilus Apavoo Zoe C Sherinian writes that her fieldwork among Dalit Christians showed that their struggles were represented through the lyrics composed by Reverend James Theophilus Appavoo At Tamil Theological Seminary, Madurai. He observed that the classical Carnatak music to which hymns had been transposed, did not make sense to contemporary Dalits working emotionally with their sense of being crushed, continually excluded. Apavoo used his music lessons in the seminary to integrate students around the questions of equality and freedom. He used folk songs and the parai drum to break down the hierarchies between musical forms. He wished to integrate psychology, the environment, gender and spirituality to traditional Marxian concerns for economics, politics, social structure and ideology. Women’s rights became integral to his composition of hymns and liturgies. His classes involved true dialogue, learning from rural students about music practices traditionally known and understood by them and feeding into the liturgies that he wrote. It helped them to have pride in their dalit identity and history, evade superior Brahmanical hegemony, and to represent their desire to repudiate exploitative practices. (Zoe. C Sherinian www Galeacademic one file..Annual 2005 Women and Music, Vol 9 University of Nebraska Press accessed on 23rd July 2022) The ability of the pastor to communicate with his flock is the sense of belongingness in Christian community, where parishioners impervious to their class sit next to one another in the pews. Here, too, there is an acceptance of the state, so that both fealty and the right to protection are seen as equivalent. The Dravidian State has the power to communicate its rights to survive and provide for its people. It does not see itself as anything but carrying on a long legacy of the self respect movement. It can take on right wing fundamentalism and provide the Dalits a sense of citizenship and rights. But hierarchies do not disappear, poverty does not vanish. Race is about phenotypical characteristics genetically passed down. Racism is something else, it is about hierarchical domination which seeks to subjugate the outclassed, the declassed. Being outside the system, Dalits feel that assimilation is a primary requirement. How can this belongingness to the State be brought about? Part of the difficulties come from wanting to be mobile, to share the privileges of a global economy. More than anything, they want to share in the fruits of modernism. As long as education is sidelined, and funds and money diverted there is no hope for mobility. The Wrath of the State When Stan Swamy canvassed for the rights of 3000 undertrials who had been locked away, the police saw in him the great dangerousness that come from activists for human rights and education. The contributions he made to the survival strategies for tribal communities in Jharkhand were huge. The Investigating officer who interrogated him on the suspicion that he had engineered riots during Elgar Parishad commended him on his work with migrants returning home to tribal villages during Covid. What was this work that his work station provided access to? He says to the NIA, recorded for the reader in “I Am Not a Silent Witness” published by the Indian Social Institute, Bengaluru : About the activities of Bagaicha, we recently have started a Migrants’ Desk, and its intervention during and after the recent lockdown, due to the coronavirus pandemic was significant. It was necessitated by the sudden declaration of lockdown, throwing millions of migrant workers out-of-work, shelter, food and forcing thousands of them walk on highways and railway tracks for hundreds of kilometres. Our Migrants’ Desk (MD) is linked with governments, NGOs and human rights groups, to reach out to the migrants to offer immediate relief in the form of food and shelter and help them to reach their homes. We have helped at least about 6,000 persons, who were in precarious situations. Lakhs of them have reached home, but is there anything in their homes to sustain them and their families? (Swamy 2021:89-90) Distinction between Literacy and Education Education allows people to move forward, to assimilate, to join the professional classes. However politicians of ruling parties who create obstacles for the education of the poor, use the police to block further chances for upward mobility. It is this that is the entrenched reason for keeping the poor in chains. Here, all Indians become complicit in the ruling ideology of caste, based on Suvarna theory. There are oppositional forces in every post World War 2 society. They confront one another, and if not embedded in dictatorship, they are free to engage with one another in legal transactions. What we confront in India are two situations: belief in the Indian Constitution on one hand, and on the other hand, for their antagonists belief in the rule of Manu’s laws. These are not compatible, and lead to immense fury and bloody warfare. Whether it is RSS against Communists and vice versa, or RSS against Christians, Muslims, Dalits, Tribals, the violence and accusations of terrorism is no longer episodic. To even support the case of Dalits and Tribals is now infused by the wrath of the State. The interpenetration of uppercaste and /or upper class commercial deals, which have the blessing of the judiciary now takes away all the rights to citizenship given by the Indian Constitution to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Fr Stan Swamy showed that patronage to the mining companies was essentially protected by the machineries of the State, and that the Judiciary too became partisan in the provisioning of justice. Of the 3000 undertrials for whom he put in judicial petitions, only three had Maoist links. The very bases of the 5 lakh fine placed on Himanshu Singh on 14th July 2022, for petitioning against the attack on tribals, is a similar move to keep all enquiries of state violence against declassed tribals suspended. It obliterates their right from ever farming their traditional lands. The need for cheap labour to build smart cities, work in aluminium mines, and build roads has made an entire population of tribal/scheduled caste communities now available as cheap labour to contractors, by sheer expediency. Socialism, Gandhism and Right to Life and Human Rights in general are now as problematic to the State, as are ethnic communities and religions which do not convert to fundamentalist Hinduism,or form alliances with the BJP. Kerala and Tamil Nadu stand out in opposition to the Centre, and will pay the costs in terms of privileges granted by the federal obligations of the State, now masked as Hindu Rashtra. The political party which occupies the State is obviously not the State, for as Bezwada Wilson said, in a film made by Jyoti Nisha, on Ambedkar, there cannot be democracy and manual scavenging co existing. Caste as Calculated Hegemonic Device Abraham Ayrookuzhiel suggests that the exclusion of Dalits, their untouchability, their history of degradation is a consequence of continuous invasions, where the indigenous people were colonized and treated as slaves. He points to the idea of Suvarna and Avarna as categories of caste and race distinction, where the indigenous people bore traces of the Austro- Mongoloid, and the Dravidians, conquered in turn by the Aryans, specifically used their countervailing sense of authority over the defeated peoples to make them labour as barbers, fishers, tailors, cultivators, jugglers, musicians and stone cutters, road builders, grave diggers and scavengers. In this context, their conversion to Christianity gave them a semblance of freedom, because they no longer belonged to the subjugated outcastes of Hinduism, or were suppressed by the Dominant Castes. However, their sense of self worth came from their participation in matters of church and local community as free people, recognizing among themselves the quality of equality. Their poetry would be essentially the voice of hunger and loss. In some intuitive sense, the possibility of freedom for the Dalit Christians comes from this overarching sense of their right to live in a caste less society. And yet, three generations of Reservations for Christian Dalits will bring them to the frontlines of professional and educational mobility. Dr Rajaratnam, former Director of Gurukul Lutheran Seminary in Chennai, took 7 years to compile a hymnal in use by students of the college, and published by the Gurukul Lutheran Seminary for its use. In the Introduction he wrote that “we take pride in including a special order of Worship on Dalit concerns.” (vii) He adds ”Dalit worship is unique because it is not just a cultural expression of their joy and sorrow. They are always open and there is no secret at all. Their expression is spontaneous. They communicate all their feelings even in worship as children express themselves to their parents.” (ibid 69) That soul music represented the voice of Dalits in relationship to traditional Christian hegemonic forces in Christianity in Kerala has been made forcefully by P.Sanal Mohan. The hymns represent the continuous struggle that Dalits find themselves and laments of Dalit Christians. Education in the ALC became the focused way by which parishioners hoped for change in social and economic status. In the Appraisal Report on Arcot Lutheran Church School Project (mimeo archives of Gurukul Lutheran Seminary Chennai) the Danish Mission representatives noted that the goals were child centric learning but the text books were State provided, and thus there was a huge gap between intentions and practice. The Report writer/s say” “The concept of the ALC project is captured by the motto “Educate and Elevate” . It is the assumption of the project that improved education can lead to improved quality of life, improved education is in the project related to the consequence of relevance.. i.e what is being taught has to be relevant for the life of the learners. The methodology of the project has to seek to provide improved formal education through improved infrastructure (school buildings furniture, teaching aids) and an improved teaching learning process (teaching training programmes in child-centred learning methods}. Besides, the project has attempted to improve the link between school and community through Parent Teacher Associations and contributions from the Community to the school, and to improve the living conditions of the local communities in the project area, through adult education classes, health and income generating activities, an women’s samgams (gathering). (Mimeo,no author, no date Gurukul Seminary Archives). A representative of the teaching community of ALC in Polur district said that they had a week of consultations with teacher representatives from other districts, which involved discussions on National Education Policy, where the children are meant to be graded into different streams as fast learners, mediocre learners, and slow learners, but she said after Covid 19 and two years of absenteeism, village children have forgotten everything and suffer from short span attention. ( interview 19th July 2022) Reservations for Christians according to Ayrookuzhiel would imply being assimilated in hierarchically lower caste positions when they seek to repudiate caste. He bleakly states that Dalits are being paid to remain within the fold of Hinduism as enslaved people (Ayrookuzhiel 2006:73). A young Dalit Christian woman to whom I put the question, “Do you think non Dalits can speak on behalf of Dalits, or is it a battle only to be fought by Dalits breaking away from the subservience forced on them by the master caste, replied “ I don’t believe in caste”. As Didier Fassin writes about a constant culture of cruelty (our example here is caste), is that “ Violence must be able to find a minimum of justification in the idea the perpetuator has of the person who is subjected to it and who must be made to pay.” (Fassin 2013 :136). The leap that Paolo Freire looked for was the rise of the intellectuals among the grass roots, to speak on behalf of their communities. As M.S.S Pandian argued most powerfully, in a book published by his wife posthumously on behalf of Pandian, it is for people to decide their choice of religion, not the coercive apparatus of the state (Pandian 2019) Dr Susan Visvanathan is Retired Professor and Former Chairperson of CSSS, JNU and currently Adjunct Professor, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, IISER Bhopal. Bibliography Alexander, Elisabeth Susan. 2006. Cuddalore in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries: A Political and Social Overview, in Grosse, Andreas, Y.Vincent Kumaradoss, Heike Liebau (Editors). Halle and the Beginning of Protestant Christianity in India; The Danish Halle and The English Halle Mission, Volume 1. Halle: Frankesche Stiftungen, and distributed by Delhi: Manohar Press Ayrookuzhiel, Abraham. 2006. Essays on Dalits, Religion and Liberation. Bengaluru: Asian Trading Corporation and Christian Institute for the Study of Religion and Society. Bugge, Henriette. 1994 Mission and Tamil Society, London: Routledge. Christenson, Evelyn. 1992. What Happens When Women Pray. UK: Victor Books. Dietrich, Gabrielle. 1992. Reflections on the Women’s Movement in India: Religon, Ecology, Development. Delhi: Horizon India Fassin, Didier, 2013: Enforcing Order: An Ethnography of Urban Policing. Cambridge: Polity Fihl, Esther and A. R Venkatachalapathy. 2009. Special Issue Indo-Danish Cultural Encounters in Tranquebar: Past and Present. Review of Development and Change, Vol X1V NO 1 AND 2 January to December 2009 Gilroy, Paul. 2000. Between Camps: Nations, Cultures and the Allure of Race London: Routledge Kawashima, Koji. 1998. Missionaries and a Hindu State: Travancore 1858-1936. Delhi: Oxford University Press Moon, Vasant 2001. Growing Up Untouchable. New Delhi: Vistaar Mohan P. Sanal 2015 Modernity of Slavery: Struggles Against Caste Inequality in Colonial Kerala. Delhi: Oxford University Press Rajagopal, Geetha, 2009. Hindu Music in the Temples of South India. Delhi: D.K Printworld. Saberwal, Satish Wages of Segmentation Pandian, M.S.S. 2019. The Strangeness of Tamil Nadu, Ranikhet and Delhi: Permanent Black. Rasten, Simon. 2009. The Tranquebar Tribute in the Reign of King Serfoji 11 in Esther Fihl and A. R Venkatachalapathy in Special Issue Indo-Danish Cultural Encounters in Tranquebar: Past and Present. Review of Development and Change, Vol X1V NO 1 AND 2 January to December Sherinian. Zoe.C. 2005. www Galeacademic one file Annual Women and Music, Vol 9 University of Nebraska Press accessed on 23rd July 2022) Oommen, T. K and Hunter P Mabryu. 2000. The Christian Clergy in India. New Delhi: Sage Zupanov, Ines G. 1999. Disputed Mission: Jesuit Experiments and Brahminical Knowledge in Seventeenth Century India. Oxford University Press Delhi Acknowledgements: Grateful thanks to Gitika De, Tanweer Fazal, P.Sanal Mohan, Jesudas Athyal, Y.T Vinayaraj, Susan Elisabeth Alexander, Vincent Kumaradoss, Ramola Cecil Joseph and Anuradha Sen Mukherjea,Team Quo Vadis in Tiruvannamalai, Daffini, Komalamma and Paul Visuvasam.

Re-Reading Lewis Thomas: Obituary Lecture for Franson Manjali (Kochi Memorial Meeting organised by JosephDavis2024)

Post Covid Re-reading of Lewis Thomas Susan Visvanathan (Former Professor of Sociology,CSSS, JNU susanvisvanathan@gmail.com) That Covid left a trail of destruction is our great loss, as we co-existed with rampant death for two years(2020-2022). After that, those who suffered from long Covid left us, without saying goodbye. Lewis Thomas’ “The Youngest Science: Notes of A Medicine Watcher”(Penguin 1995) tells us beguilingly that right up till the mid 1930s, there was no cure for many diseases, such as influenza, syphilis, diabetes, rheumatoid arthritis, cancer, measles, chickenpox. Doctors and nurses provided palliative care, and hoped for cell regeneration given the circumstances of rest and nutrition provided to the patients. He writes that the purpose of the curriculum was primarily to diagnose and recognize the disease, to classify, list their signs, symptoms and make accurate diagnoses. There were some remedies such as aspirin, morphine, digitalis, bromides, barbiturates ( ibid 27). While the doctors counseled patients on their visits, it was the nurses who were the institutional catalysts who networked between the medics (professors and interns) other nursing staff, aids, cleaners, porters, lift operators and management. It was they who had the institutional pulse and knew each patient in terms of diagnoses and active treatment, which was in their hands. Because of their catalytic knowledge and networking abilities, they had the ability to be friends and confidants of those who were in danger by serious illness, and carry information to their family (ibid 67). Lewis Thomas thus shifts the trajectory of the nurse as having the job of carrying out doctors’ orders to one who, as a professional, lived in the intimate zone between life and death. Nurses make it their business to know everything that is going on. They spot errors before they can be laundered. They know everything written on the chart. Most of all, they know their patients as unique human beings, and they get know their families. Because of intimate knowledge, they are quick to sense warps in the system and act upon it. According to Lewis, the average sick person feels anxious most of the time because of anonymity, no identity other than the name tag, the sense of being left adrift with a plastic tag with number, and in danger of getting lost, being whisked into a wrong laboratory, to have a wrong procedure and so on. He writes, ‘The attending physician or the house officer on rounds and usually in a hurry, can murmur a few reassuring words on his way out the door, but it takes a confident, competent and cheerful nurse, there all day long and in and out of the room on one chore or another through the night, to bolster one’s confidence that the situation is indeed manageable and not about to get out of hand” (ibid 69). Lewis Thomas argues that the evolution of language is parallel in terms of its concepts like the evolution of the species itself. The question of’ when cannot be answered, he writes, because we have to think of the existence of prokaryotes which are organisms which have the appearance of bacteria. These left traces in rocks 2 to 3 billion years ago. Two and a half billion years ago they appeared as algal mats (ibid 52). A billion years ago these algae produced enough oxygen into the earth’s atmosphere to form nucleated cells. From there formed the mitochondria and chloroplasts of plant cells which coexist with us today. Similarly, the roots of language are produced perhaps twenty thousand years ago. For Thomas, the root word for doctor is leech, coming from the work laece in English, lake in Middle Dutch, in early Germanic it was lekjaz. In Indo European languages, its origin was in “leg” which meant “to collect”, with derivatives leading “to speak’ : hence lecture, logic, and logos are from leg. Lekjaz communicated magic words, leech stood for the double meaning of a worm as well as Doctor. Assimilation is the term used for the fusion of two different meanings in one term. The idea of ‘collecting’ present in ‘leg’ has persisted, as it combines the doctor’s penchant for collecting blood and fees ( ibid 53). He goes on to explain that the word Doctor comes from “dek” meaning something proper and useful. It became docere in Latin, to teach, also discere, to learn, hence disciple. In Greek it was understood to mean an acceptable kind of teaching, thus the roots for dogma and orthodox ( ibid 53) Here, I come to the work of Daniel Nettle and Suzanne Romain Vanishing Voices (2002). They show how oral traditions become threatened with extinction, when languages are no longer used and are forgotten. One remembers here the encyclopaedic work of Ganesh Devy and his team where documentation of existing languages and dialects become the basis of their survival. Oral languages according to Nettle and Romaine survive through intergenerational transmission. Languages become extinct when people do not use this language any more. They prefer to educate children in commercially viable languages which help them with education and jobs. Peripheral languages become extinct, in favour of metropolitan languages. Official languages are not known by the majority of the population - these involve metalanguages and technical languages. Laboratory languages, with the creation of dictionaries and sometimes scripts try to rejuvenate oral tradition. This can end up as a form of museumisation. The will to learn a language and use a script makes a dying or dead language become reactivated. Languages are a storehouse of memories and knowledge. Levi Strauss, striving to generalize the unity of the human mind, spoke about the depth and variation of botanical classifications in South America by tribal communities and the complexity of kinship algebra in Australian tribal communities. Industrialisation depletes forms of traditional knowledges. The comparative method was used by Anthropology to collate vast literature across society. Malinowki’s intervention regarding matriliny and the place of the mother’s brother sought to critique Freud’s concept of the Oedipal complex. In the Trobriand case, the nephew felt antagonism toward the maternal uncle, not his biological father. The question of nature and nurture thus became central to Sociology. Lewis discusses the questions of neurological trajectories which define perception in the following way. In real life, research is dependent on the human capacity for making predictions that are erroneous, and in the ability that researchers have to bounce back. The predictions are pure guess work. Often they are wrong. Error is the mode. We all know this this in our bones, whether engaged in science or in the ordinary business of life. More often than not, our firmest predictions are chance-based, on what we imagine to be probability rather than certainty, and become used to blundering very early in life. Indeed, the universal experience, mandated in the development of every young child, of stumbling, dropping things, saying the words wrong, spilling oatmeal and sticking ones thumb in one’s eye are part of the preparation for adult living. A successful child is one who has learned so thoroughly about his own fallibility that he can never forget it, all the rest of his life ( ibid 82). For Lewis, research is born out of recognizing error, and re-searching again. Its root is err, which does not mean ”wrong”; the Indo_European root is ‘ers’, signifying “to be set in motion”, it comes into Latin as errare, meaning to “wonder’ but the same root emerges in Old Norse as “ras” or rushing about looking for something. The English word “race” comes from ras. In order to get something right, we must get something wrong, or to quote Lewis, “many things wrong”. Here, he turns to the term “stochastic” which communicates randomness. Stochastic is the term for pure chance. “But it started out, as happens so often in language, with precisely the opposite meaning. The original Greek root was stokahs, meaning a brick column used in a target, from this the root word meaning “to take aim” were derived. (ibid 83) We like to think that we take aim to hit targets by taking advantage of a human gift for meaning and precision. But there is this secret, embedded in the language itself: we become accurate only by trial and error, we tend to wander about, searching for targets. It is being in motion, at random (from a root meaning running) that permits us to get things done. Edward Lorenz in his book, Chaos suggests that even chaos has rules, we only need to decipher them. In the pendulum gone awry, or arrythamea the beat that is missing is calculable, just as the metaphor that a butterfly wing flapping can create tremors in the atmosphere, sufficient to create a storm (or not). This is how Lorenz moves from the idea of a rule bound universe to one of random chance. It also explains Levi Strauss preoccupation that change in any one element can change the entire structure. Jonathan Weiner’s Time, Love, Memory (1999) orchestrates an account of the mutations of fruit flies in milk bottles in the 1950s to help us understand why obsessive interest by scientists on DNA and chromosomes helped us to understand different beats and rhythms in human neurological webs. In an interesting analogy between receptors of language, and receptors of antibodies, Lewis Thomas says that antibodies are created by using certain virus loaded genes which are then spliced onto an animal. The cross channel information is received, antigens are created when the body recognizes a foreign body. Lymphocites rush to respond, and a clump of lymphocites form to hereditarily pass on this information. He writes, “When the horse serum protein appears it is not recognizable to any but a small minority of the cell population, for all the rest it is a waste of time, motion, and effort. Also, there are risks all around, chances of making major blunders, endangering the whole organism. Flawed lymphocites can turn with an inability to distinguish between self and nonself, and replication of these can bring down the entire structure with the devastating diseases of autoimmunity. Blind spots can exist, or gaps in recognition analogous to color blindness, so that certain strain of animals are genetically unable to recognize the foreignness of certain bacteria and viruses. (Thomas 1995:85) This is the reason that in the odd case, a vaccination can maim or kill. Preeti Monga, the gifted pedagogue who became blind after vaccination has written of living a normal life, dependent on the memory of the world, before sight went completely. According to Lewis, the analogy of lymphocyte selection and recognition, is being used to understand how the brain works. It is postulated that the thinking units equivalent to lymphocytes are the tiny columns of packed neurons which make up most of the substance of the cereberal cortex. These clusters are the receptors, prepared in advance for confrontation with this or that sensory stimulus, or this or that particular idea. For all the things we will ever see in the universe, including things not yet thought of, the human brain possesses one or another prepared, aware, knowledgeable cluster of connected neurons as ready to lock on to that one idea as a frog’s brain is for the movement of a fly. The recognition is amplified by synoptic alteration within the column of cells and among the other groups with which the column is connected and memory is installed (ibid 85). Thomas then goes on to say that Artificial Intelligence may one day become superior to our own. Since this essay was written at a time when its infallibility seemed appropriate, he sets up the human brain to be unique in its ability to forget and to make mistakes. Confusion is the nature of the human mind, not just as it ages, but in the everyday contexts of forgetting, remembering erroneously, and nothing can be recalled at will, since where its stored is never very clear. For him, forgetting is the act of emptying the brain and relearning are everyday pursuits. (ibid 88). He says with utmost compassion, Come to think of it, you could not run a human brain in any other way, and the clearing out of excess information must be going on, automatically, autonomically, all the time. Perhaps there are certain pieces of thought that must be classed as nonbiodegradable, like addition and one’s family’s names, and how to read a taximeter, but a great deal of material is surely disposable. And the need for a quick and ready sanitation system is real: you cannot ever be sure, from minute to minute, when you will have to find a place to put something new. At the very least, you are required to have and use, a mechanism for edging facts to one side, pushing them out of the way into something like a plastic kitchen bag. Otherwise you would run the risk of losing all good ideas. Have you noticed how often it happens that a really good idea – the kind of idea that looks as it approaches, like the explanation for everything about everything – tends to hover near at hand when you are thinking hard about something quite different. There you are, halfway into a taxi, thinking hard about the condition of the cartilage in the right knee joint, and suddenly with a whirring sound, in flies a new notion looking for a place to light. You’d better be sure you have a few bare spots, denuded of anything like thought, ready for its perching, or it will fly away into the dark (Lewis 1995:88). In an essay called “The Long Habit” in Lives of a Cell (1980) Thomas asserts that Death is a topic not discussed or raised. Large scale death viewed on the television screen hardly moves us. For ourselves during our mortal moments, we think Death will go away (Thomas 1980:55) Extending our life technologically presents the possibility of long life. In the 19th century, men died at 45 years of age, women at 40, on the average. Now the upper class think of 90 years as an average span of life extendable to 110. We hanker to go on, even in the face of plain evidence that long, long lives are not necessarily pleasurable in the kind of society we have arranged thus far. We will be lucky if we can post pone the search for new technologies for a while, until we have discovered some satisfactory things to do with the extra time. Something will surely have to be found to take the place of sitting on the porch re-examining one’s watch (ibid 57)…..We don’t know much about dying, about corporality, about extinction. Cells don’t die that fast, they can regenerate in test-tubes even hours after death. “It takes hours, even days before the irreversible word finally gets around to all the provinces (ibid 58). According to Lewis Thomas, there is a switch off mechanism that allows detachment before death or atleast witnesses of near death experience have said so (ibid 59). Lewis seems to believe that the spirit returns to origins, I prefer to think of it as somehow separated at its filaments of its attachment, and then drawn like an easy breath hack into the membrane of its origin, a fresh memory for a biospherical nervous system, but I have no data on the matter (ibid 61). He sees the earth analogous to a single celled organism with its membrane of sky, piercing which creates entropy. Outside this vacuum of blue sky is the blackness of space. The color photographs of the earth are more amazing than anything outside: we live inside a blue chamber, a bubble of air blown by ourselves. The other sky beyond, absolutely black and appalling is wide open country, irresistible for exploration (ibid 50) This is the microcosm analogy of ‘life :earth :: death : outer space’. Yet we hope to encounter our loved ones again, we hope to see them in the remembrances of others, though bilateral kin linkages, through the constellation of images produced through photographs and narratives. What is a memoryscape? It is healing by its very virtue – we learn to use happy memories for recovering our past. Bad memories undergo suppression, though have recurring identity as nightmares. We learn to process these over time, crafting good memories from new landscapes, mutual recognition of pleasure principles. We use these in turn to craft new languages of desire, never forgetting the old languages of knowledge and experience. It is this relation between past and present which allows us to imagine a future. Here too is the place of language, of speech, of sharing. Human beings gather, they share ideas. Like rituals, seminars, visits to the beach or shops, language becomes the conduit of survival (ibid 73). In the midst of all this collective activity, is the autonomy of the cell – it performs, functions, dies. We must give it that autonomy (ibid 78). What makes us unique is language, human speech. It begins to look, more and more disturbingly, as if the gift of language is the single human trait that marks us all genetically, setting us apart from the rest of life. Language is, like net building, or hive making, the universal and biologically specific activity of human being. We engage in it communally, compulsively and automatically. We cannot be human without it, if we were to be separated from it our minds would die as surely as bees lost from the hive ( ibid 105). Thomas continues We are born knowing how to use language. The capacity to recognize syntax, to organize and deploy words into intelligible sentences is innate in the human mind. We are programmed to identify patterns and generate grammar. There are invariant and variable structures in speech that are common to all of us. As chicks are endowed with an innate capacity to read information in the shapes of overhanging shadows telling hawk from other birds, we can identify the meaning of grammar in a string of words, and we are born this way. According to Chomsky, who has examined it as a biologist looks at live tissue, language must simply be a biological property of the human mind (ibid 105). The universal attributes of language are genetically set, we do not know them, or make them up as we go along (ibid 106). Yet, he acknowledges that language has a life of its own. They become instinct, new meanings and words are created. Individual languages leave their dialect forms. Separate languages can exist side by side maintaining their integrity with out permeability or compatibility. At other times languages may come together, fuse, replicate and give rise to new tongues (106). Here, he endorses the primevality of music and art, which were probably the first languages combining symbols and sounds. Silence too, has its language, as mystics know. Reading and writing are often done in solitude. Translations liberate meaning. Raimundo Pannikkar used the concepts of shruti and smriti to show how there is a shift from secrecy to shared meaning. There is a need, equally to allow the authorship of speech, to shift to interpretation rather than the idolatory of the text (Visvanathan 2022b). What is the dialectic between faith and human rights? Pursuing our rights as believers/non believers we carry on with our daily chores (ibid 147). Ascription implies closure (ibid 148). Technological change and digital resources make our understanding of the world more complex. The dispossessed, the meek inherit the earth remaining behind when all else is lost. Talking to plants- the bases of organic farming is the iconic symbol of this . We must believe that they believe, whether it is in divinity or the secret life of plants (ibid 148). Sociologists never attend to the truth value of utterances as they do to representation, or forms of disclosure ( ibid 149). Ideologies are totalitatarian. Translation, comparative religion, learning from history, from the other, opens up the texts (ibid 149). This leads to new ways of orienting ourselves to the known world. Feminists demand accountability. Love and responsibility are not enough. The concept of dhyana or concentration as Simone Weil called it is essential to the task of learning (ibid 150). As Humanities shift from the Universities to the technical colleges they are seen as the Handmaids of the Sciences. A space carefully created for the establishment brains to embellish themselves, to become cosmopolitan rather than unidirectional. And yet, we remember Bachelard who could integrate Laboratory and Poetry to unravel the world in a technical way, and with narrative virtuosity in the metalanguage of verse. How do texts correlate between canonical and the domestic? Subramanium and Velacherry Rao say that in the 16th, 17th and 18th century it (neeti shastra) was frequently read out across communities. In 1708 Ziegenbalg wrote that the St Thomas Christians knew it by heart and quoted it often (ibid 154).. This absorption in the grand traditions of Hinduism are common. We look at Clifford Geertz’s classic work Negara to understand how the Hindu Buddhist consciousness permeated the elite strata in Java. The inscriber whatever the epoch, becomes the utmost authority. Political ideologies, dramatic interpretations, details of mundane description, suppression of the problem, enhancement of the politically expedient, engineering of silences, in the passing of the text maybe noticed (ibid).In the case of religious poetry, the erotic often becomes translated into the inviolable mother’s body. Here too, there is an act of mapmaking (157). Much of the spiritual texts point to androgyny, as the devotee has to cross borders transforming his/her/their psyche in constant devotion. Those crossing borders live in osmosis. Heteroglossia is present. Sometimes untranslated mystic states are communicated through body language – tranquility, detachment, solitude, silence, revelation, dream, prayer, seeking. The physical leads to longing. Transcendence to newer states leads to what C.S Lewis called spontaneity, originality and action. In my ethnography of ashram life in Tiruvannamalai titled The Children of Nature: The Life and Legacy of Ramanamaharshi , I noticed that Nature/Space and Time lie beyond the individual. There is a denial of free will. A search for symmetry follows. The paradox of hierarchy exists between the holy and the individual. Manifestations in a literary device follow, be it poetry or philosophy. The seeker who transcends is permitted to renounce. Yet there are duties, routines. These are times of meditation, community prayer, chanting, meals (both serving and eating) social interaction and silence. All are governed by clock time, and often the ringing of bells. The penultimate rules are silence, meditation and work. Ramana Mahrashi never believed idleness led to meditation (Visvanathan 2010: 231). To understand Nature in terms of the mystery whether in religion or science is the quest for solitude (ibid 232). The inalienable nature of solitude once recognized is the quest for solitude. Thomas Merton said “ We put ourselves between ourselves and things” (ibid 253). Silence has the power of love, it moves beyond classification. Silence teaches us to know reality by respecting it where words have defiled it. Renunication has a specific attribute. Solitariness and the Here, work and community all go together. The metaphors used are of family and brethren. Normal life, such as householders live is about comfort, reassurance and diversion. Here, we are able to gather, reassure one another, we enjoy the consolation of companionship (ibid 233). To live in intimate communication with that mystery is the mystic’s sole choice, where the only goal is to be one with the godhead. Erich Fromm in Beyond the Chains of Illusion writes of the awareness of the unconscious which appears as Jung’s collective unconscious. Here, too, are found the archetypes of repression, domination and resistance, terms beloved of feminists. Challenges to revealing the unconscious remain, namely fear, hopelessness and lack of proper orientation. Fromm writes that resistance is an attempt to protect oneself from fright. People said that after the second world war, that they did not know that Jews were killed. People say today that they do not observe death, threats, or admit to selective inattention. The question of Palestine remains closed, hurtling towards extinction, a self fulfilling prophecy about a map without people. It is for this reason that war rages on the planet collectively, an enemy is sighted and the cannons and bombs go off endlessly. We know that arms, food, medicines are run by investment by known and connected oligarchies. Health and agricultural capitalist enterprises find in war machineries substantial profit-making motives. Workers receive wages and support managers. Earlier, there was a distinction between ‘doing a job’ and ‘having a vocation’. There is patriotism and love for the country, which is deeply imbued in terms of partisanship. Fromm deals with the understanding of ambivalence as a necessary part of existence. There is love, hate, contradiction, dialectic and paradoxical thought (Fromm 130). Assimilation brings profit, and no questions are asked. Learning languages become an essential part of survival strategies. Language is for communication, interaction, commercial values, increasing awareness, globalization, abbreviation (sms) and mobility. Learning languages arise from fear of isolation, ostracism, and fear of exclusion. It is a continuous interplay of new vocabularies, changing radius of power and domination, and the essential play of creativity and adaptation. In the rapidly changing world, there are acceptance of norms which are against human nature. ( ibid 138) We know that the polarization of the world today is similar to the early medieval period in Europe. The return to a world which capitalizes on autodestructive tendencies is based on the atrophy of language, where speech is monosylabillic, and renders the passivity of the governed subject as a given. Reference Fromm, Erik 1962 . Beyond The Chains of Illusion Lorenz, Edward: 1995. The Essence of Chaos. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Thomas, Lewis: 1980. The Lives of a Cell. New York: Bantam Books 1995. The Youngest Science: Notes of a Medicine Watcher. New York Penguin Visvanathan, Susan:2010. The Children of Nature: The Life and Legacy of Ramana Maharshi. New Delhi: Roli .