Growing up in Jamia Millia Islamia with my father K.Paul

Jamia Millia Islamia: A Childhood Memory from 1962-1968. Susan Visvanathan My father, Shri K. Paul, was appointed as Lecturer in the Rural Development Programme, under the Directorship of Prof SR Mohsini, in 1957 as he had a diploma in Social Work from Tata School of Social Work in Mumbai, and an M.A in Social Work, from the Delhi School of Social Work . They were the first collaborative colleagues of the Department of Social Work, Jamia Millia Islamia. I was born in March that year, so my father always said I had brought him a great deal of fortune. He had been without a steady job for many years, and this was a turning point in his life. He was well loved in the college, and my memories of Jamia begin from 1962, when we shifted to reside in the campus. My sister, Esther (hereafter Shobha) was then eight years old, and I was five years old. My memories of making friends with neighbours’ children are primary. I have a sharp recall of the friendliness and collegiality that was a hall mark of how the etiquette between teachers was passed on to their children as a kind of legacy. The language used between them in everyday transactions was so polite, honourable and cordial. The 1960s brought along with it all the euphoria of Independence. My mother had worked in the Partition Camps as one of Gandhiji’s eight nurses, and had at the age of 30 years, received the Florence Nightingale Medal from Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, for her work in rehabilitating partition victims. My father, too, had been active as a social worker in partition camps. My mother, Mariam Paul, (nee Thomas) was a very beautifuland erudite woman, who had been courted assiduously by my father, who understood perfectly that she was a career woman. They had been married a decade, when my father decided to shift the family to Jamia campus. Earlier, travelling from Thompson Road, (near Minto Bridge,) it had been a very short distance to New Delhi Tuberculosis Centre, where she was the Head of the Public Health Department, and in charge of training health visitors, as paramedical staff were called then. My parents, had, as tenants, shifted houses eight times, always supported by their friends often subletting houses to my parents, till they were forced by circumstances, to shift again. So, at first, my mother agreed to live on Jamia campus, but very soon after, she found a two room apartment in Daryaganj, very close to Ansari Road. She found it easier to get to work, for TB Centre was at the roundabout of Delhi Gate and Daryaganj, adjacent to Irwin Hospital (Lok Nayak Hospital) and her work place, colleagues and intimate friends in hospital circuits, was surely her life line. For Mummy, her work with the outpatients, home visits to Tuberculosis patients in Old Delhi and the staff jeep to Gurgaon villages, and collaborating with her colleagues in daily practice and occasional conferences came first. My father allowed her this privilege because he understood how good she was at work, and maybe she had demanded this right to prioritise her career, before agreeing to marry him. Both agreed to share the responsibilities of our upbringing, so my sister and I spent half the week in Jamia campus, and half the week in Daryaganj. Since I was so little, I often forgot homework books in one or the other house, and my mother was called to school to explain to the teacher why our residence was in dual mode. I can still see my mother laughing and explaining that there was no quarrel between the parents, it was merely for convenience of work. Jamia Campus therefore, became a kind of continual picnic site for my sister Shobha and me. It was delightful. We lived with our father in the dumpoos, and my father, K.Paul, or Paul Sahib as he was called, did the best he could to give us a sense of adventure, joy, and community ethos in the company of our neighbours. Each dumpoo was a circular structure, and the lecturers usually had two adjacent ones. One for cooking, bathing, and eating, along with women’s spaces circumscribed by curtains; the other was a space for sofas, chairs, work tables and couches. In our case, my father was allotted one room on one side of the narrow road, and another on the opposite side of the road. So we had to cross the road to access our kitchen and dining room. The toilets were shared with other colleagues, their wives and children, in a separate dumpoo. My mother quickly fled to modern amenities in an old fashioned haveli in Ansari Road, where the landlady had divided it into separate flats, independent of each other. My father, K.Paul, immediately got busy keeping his little two daughters occupied. He carved out small plots of land in front of each of our two dumpoos, and started handkerchief sized gardens, giving power and independent choice to each daughter, in sowing seeds, and plant management. First, we laid out small bricks for four separate gardens to mark their size. It was scrub land, not very fertile, and yet within some months, my sister and I under the supervision of my father, were growing desi gulab, (that beautiful red rose with its insistent fragrance), jasmines, marigolds, cosmos and the “ten o’clock flowers” with their magenta bloom. There were also purple verbena, which my father called “Virginia”, and till recently I thought that was what they were called till the world wide web aided me. Next door our neighbours, Parvez, Feroze, Suhel, Shaheer, Shakeel, Munna, Munni and their elder sister Fatima were growing kitchen garden vegetables. We exulted over their bountiful produce, while their father Soze Sahib, who taught English Literature, remained continually meditative, detached, bowed over his books. Their mother, Ammi, was always busy cooking delicious food for the children, and they were stunningly hospitable, sharing their food with us at every opportunity. My father was a brilliant cook, himself, so he set Shobha to make rotis for our meals, and at age eight she made fragile chappatis which ballooned with air. I was set to cutting vegetables, usually spinach and ladies fingers, and salad vegetables, for him. He liked to cook meat, and left cooking fish to my mother who dropped by on weekends. We got our supplies from the ‘Store’, as it was called, which was a kilometre up from where we lived. It was 1962, and the opening of the Store came as a kind of innovation, with its neat supplies of stationary, household goods and fruits and vegetables. Close to it was the post office, where we paid for our annual radio license, and other things such as inlands, postcards and stamped envelopes. Otherwise, my Dad walked to Okhla village with us, or more often to Jullaina, opposite Holy Family Hospital, where there a grocer just beyond the thick metal studded brown wooden door, who was happy to see us, and always gave my sister and me free toffees. I can still see the mounds of red chillies and dried mangos, in jute sacks though sixty years have passed. We went swimming in the Okhla canal too, but stopped after I said, fearfully, I had stood on a rock, which was not there, the next moment, when I stepped back. My father thought it might have been a tortoise, and we did not go back. Our dogs, Brownie and Whitie always accompanied us on these long walks, on leashes. They would bark vociferously at the lorries, and chase them. We never ate out, and although the mounds of fried foods in Okhla bazaar were inviting, they were never purchased. Street food was not eaten, we always went home to have fruits, peanuts, rusks, black gram, boiled eggs and the usual sambar, masoor dal, rotis, and in-season vegetables. At 5 a.m, my father woke us up, made us wash and change into our school uniforms, eat our breakfast, (bread and butter, fruit, boiled eggs) take what he had packed for 11 a.m “Break” in school ( a few kashew nuts, tomato and cucumber sandwiches, or rusks with butter, salted boiled black gram (kalla channa) with a compulsory bottle of Roohafzah and lime juice) and accompanied us to the bus stop. The two pets dogs waited with us, and sometimes leapt into the bus and hide under the seats when it came. At 5.45 a.m the first buses would have started plying. There was Bus Number 18, which went to Shehar (town) as old Delhi was called. Another was Bus Number 24, which went to Connaught Place. I was in Class 1, my sister was in class 3. My father put us in the care of the conductor, who made sure that we got off at Hardinge Bridge (now called Tilak Bridge). Here, we waited for the bus which would take us to Baird Road. From Baird Road, my sister and I walked two kms to reach our school, Convent of Jesus and Mary, opposite Gole Dakh Khana. It was something we did cheerfully, not because it was our duty(!) but because my 9 year old sister was just very enterprising. She made everything seem like a game. In the afternoons, I would be very sleepy, but she pushed me into all the right buses, buying me orange ice cream in summer as incentive, and in winter, it would be warm peanuts wrapped in a cone shaped newspaper. It must have been a huge risk all around, but my father, like my mother, had worked in partition camps, and had seen the terrible tragedies of 1947, as well as lived with its victims. Certainly, whatever their personal problems, they continued to communicate a certain personal euphoria, and belief in the system: it was “Freedom!” hard won by their generation. We had half an hour every morning before the school bell rang for Assembly at 7.30 a.m, so we had the ‘jungle jim’ and the slides to ourselves, and we had a good time playing on the swings. We were in the habit of picking a rose for the teacher everyday, from a large commercial rose field, just behind the bus stop before we got the bus. However, one day, the gardener caught us. It was very embarrassing for my father, who was busy reading the morning newspaper, and he just did not know what to say on our behalf. However, fortuitously, the gentleman who owned the rose field, was walking past us on his daily morning walk, and he smiled sweetly at us, and told the gardener not to shout at us. Everyday, we travelled with huge unaccompanied sacks of red roses and marigolds, which went independently, on behalf of the garden owner, in the first morning bus to Shehar, as they had to be made into garlands for the religious places in old Delhi. There were also two beautiful ladies who travelled with us, one of them was dark and glamorous, and a little pock marked, and my sister whispered that she was a famous poetess. They didn’t pay us little girls any undue attention, just smiling at us briefly when we entered the bus. They too got off the bus, at Supreme Court where we disembarked to change buses. One memory I have is of the small pathways to our dumpoos, being constructed by us children, who were eight or nine. There was not much distinction made between girls and boys of that age, so we all worked equally together, carrying bricks, laying them out, and the older children who were in their early teens cementing the spaces between the bricks. I don’t remember adult supervision over this path building activity between dumpoos, particularly, except that Prof Mujeeb, the vice chancellor did come and congratulate us children one day. He was a charming presence, with his bushy eyebrows. He visited our dumpoo one evening, a surprise, because my father had bought a Gulmarg cooler. In 1962, the Gulmarg desert cooler was a novelty. So the VC just dropped by to check it out! My father was pleased, and proud. Another vivid memory I have is of a venerable Sufi, who used to reside as a wandering mendicant and seer- guest, in Soze Sahib’s living room in the dumpoos, reading and sleeping on the couch (takhat) there. He was a grand presence, and knew us all by name and temperament. One day, while my father was taking a class, my sister sat on a grapevine, which formed a swing like a natural arc. I was 7, and involuntary pushed the thick tendril rope of the vine, and a brick which had been placed invisibly on the roof to keep the vine in place, fell on my sister’s head. She started bleeding terribly, red blood trickling on her brow, and the only person who was around, was Sufi Sahib. He put his large hand on my sister’s head wound, and then told me to call my father from his class. I ran to his classroom, he was sitting on a chair lecturing to a class of 25 or so Social Work students. Seeing me, crying and howling, he mouthed the words, “Go away” as he thought Shobha and I had quarreled, and I had come to complain to him. Our dog Brownie, who had been sleeping under the table in the classroom bounded up to comfort me. Atlast, after much questioning I could make myself understood in between my howls. Shobha was taken to Holy Family Hospital for stitches, and I was sent by bus with one of the students to Daryaganj. First, the student, (a boy of about 20 or so, whom I had never seen before in my life), and I went to the T.B Centre, (one had to get of the bus at Parsi Anjuman and walk to her office) but the guard told us that she was at home as it was a Saturday, so we walked the two kms to our Ansari Road flat. Then she came back with us to Jamia. I don’t remember any one shouting at Shobha and me, for what had happened, such as “Why were you sitting on a grape vine, for God’s sake???” “ Why did you pull at the vine???” We were small children, we were alone at home, other neighbours’ children were at school, and our parents must have felt terrible and anxious, but other than feeding us, and comforting us, and reassuring us, nothing was said. Thank God, Sufi Sahib was in his room saying his prayer beads, and could help Shobha and me when we had a terrible accident. Imagine, the Soze family with eight children, an austere intellectualist husband and an overemotional hardworking wife giving their ‘other room’ to a saintly mendicant, while they all crowded and lived in the kitchen and dining quarters, sleeping at night on an inordinately large cot, and on mattresses that appeared from steel trunks. The same type of steel trunks would become repositories for Fatima’s trousseau, in which Ammi collated some beautiful sequined and gauze ceremonial ware. I remember Feroze Bhai always had All India Radio songs on, and had a fund of the most terrifying ghost stories, or police-robber (“daku-poolis”) stories, where everything happened in the North Indian district towns of Bulandshahar and Rampur, with which he would entertain a whole pack of wide eyed children from the ages of 7 to 12. It was heartfelt sorrow that gripped me when decades later, I opened the newspaper one morning, and I saw my gentle childhood friend Shaheer, photographed with the President of India, as his own son an art student from Jamia Art College, had been killed by a marauding band of students, who scuffled and beat his boy to death. Shaheer had been the gentlest of the troop of boys who played with us, as small children, and had grown up to be the Yoga teacher in Jamia Middle School. I went to visit him, after reading of the tragedy, in the block of flats where he lived with his family in the Jamia School Quarters. We were meeting after 50 years, and it was unimaginable that Jamia could have changed so much, where such bullying and death could happen without warning. After my sister was injured by a brick falling on her head by a misadventure, my mother found a house midway, between my Dad’s work place and hers, where we could all stay together as a family. Once we shifted to Jungpura in 1964, our visits to Jamia were limited to weekends: to look at our familiar campus with its rolling scrub grounds, its frequent collegial festivities, play with our dog Brownie (Whitie had been poisoned by an irate trucker or milkman in 1963, as she was extremely aggressive when dropping us to the bus stop, chasing every moving thing in sight). We would sweep and clean out the dumpoos which my father retained till 1981, as he slept there in the afternoons sometimes, instead of attempting the journey back by recalcitrant buses, after finishing class. The neem tree outside the kitchen/dining hall dumpoo had been planted by Shobha, and the mango tree, laterally in the adjoining garden placed by me. We did not know at that time, that asbestos roofs were singularly poisonous and dangerous. I cannot even begin to describe the heat of those summers. The legend was that on one of his many visits to Germany, M.Mujeeb Sahib, the V.C, had seen aeroplane hangars and thought them to be good models for cooperative housing and class rooms for Jamia Millia Islamia. Qureishi Sahib who was the Librarian for Department of Rural Development and Social Work, kept the dumpoo Library very cool, with flower pots of periwinkle and spider lilies, and Shobha and I spent so many summers in there reading. Small though we were, we really enjoyed the vast compendium of collated children’s stories the library had in the extreme far corner on a shelf, near the window. My father could leave us there safely for several hours in the morning, as he went about his chores as a parent who had to feed two hungry little girls, and have their uniforms ready for school. My mother always had a servant to help her with housework, but my father did all the house work himself. Once, coming out of the bath, he killed a snake in the garden one summer evening, and though my mother and sister were there, I felt very nervous. The crowded night sky, so many stars, the fragrances of the garden, the accompanying mosquitos fended off by my father, who tied mosquito nets on 4 poles on each wooden and rope charpoy, lined up on summer nights, carried the breeze as well as the torpor of the tropical night. And he always told me long complicated stories before bed time, from Shakespeare and the Ramayana. He had grown up in Niranam, a village in Kerala, which was associated legendarily with the conversion of a Brahmin boy whom St Thomas converted to Christ’s path or way, in 52 C.E. Furthermore, Niranam was where three poets associated with the Malliakal family were said to have composed a Malayalam version of the Ramayan in 14th century after a Tsunami flung the village inland. He was a Communist, and simultaneously a Gandhian, as many Malayalis were who had studied in Union Christian College in Aluva, in 1938, such as his class mates and close friends of his youth, M.M Thomas and Mar Philipose Chrysostum, Emeritus Bishop of the Mar Thoma Church who died at 104 years on August 17th 2021. The Department of Social Work was in an adjoining dumpoo to the Library, where my father had an office, and my father’s other colleagues, Gandhi Sahib, Siddiqui Sahib, Jain Sahib, were very dashing young men, with beautifully tailored clothes. I remember how well dressed they were when they were in their 30s, flaunting their youth and their sophistication to us gauche children, who admired them tremendously, when we saw them at Annual Day functions. While my father was wearing white drills, with hems stitched up, (clothes from 1950s) and very expensive linen shirts with Nehru jackets, these men were wearing trousers and suits in the latest fashion, with very narrow rims, not broad ones. The exquisitely pretty Mrs Hemraj joined Department of Social Work around the same time, and since her husband, Dr Hemraj was my mother’s colleague at Tuberculosis Centre, there was an added reason for those pleasure filled lunches with my parents and their many colleagues in the late 1970s. The Professors Syed, a star couple for United States of America, migrated to India, and to Jamia, bringing their skills of Sociology of Education, into the Social Work Department. It’s not surprising that activist or practical oriented Sociology in Jamia was the result of the two departments sharing a common space, library and meeting ground. For the purposes of collegial tea drinking, there was a dhabha in the vicinity, where the dark, bearded and monosyllabic owner provided hot strong tea in glasses, with a unique savoury mixture along side, called ‘dal moth’, served in small white ceramic saucers. It was a pungent snack which we enjoyed having in large quantities, when visiting the library. We played with our friends morning to evening, when there was no school. Or atleast I did, as Shobha preferred to read by herself, in the dumpoo. We, girls and boys together, foraged for little velvet mites, red and furry, after the rains. Unlike lady birds with spots, who flew away when we whistled at them, these red velvet mites would act like they were dead, as soon as we collected them. We chased butterflies, collected all kinds of stones, and gleaming mica in the ‘raith’ or river sand which was typical of that region, and the rolling scrub grounds behind the dumpoos. On a clear day, we could see the sails of the yachts on the Okhla canal, filling us with delight and wonder, as did the blue sky and floating white clouds. .My friends, Moon and Pappu, our neighbours, who were the Lecturer in Hindi Literature, Sharma Sahib’s children , would always have interesting stories. They too had a garden, which they tended carefully, and actually grew addu, or peaches on bushes. Safdar Sahib, from the engineering college, with his children. Their father fell ill one day, and to communicate from his bed, with his wife in the kitchen and dining hall dumpoo, he built a contraption, a transistor type intercom, to the wonder of Moon’s friends.At eight, Moon was straight haired, serious, friendly, and like my sister Shobha enjoyed her privacy, and generally repudiated gang life. Her smaller sister was too young to join us in active play, but Pappu was ever present, and we lugged him around every where as he was a chubby child and could not keep up with us. Tariq and Asma who were our age, were also our friends, joining in our collective games. Their father, Safdar Sahib, who was in the engineering department was asked by my father, to help me with geometry, (or “space work” as it was called in junior school,) as I was truly ignorant, mathsdyslexic, but he too, scratched his head in puzzlement and gave up on me. My father’s hobby in 1962-1965 had been the construction of a hen coop in the back yard behind the dumpoo. We went together to Chandni Chowk, by bus, and got wire mesh,and with bamboo poles put up a very large hen coop. He got ten white hens, and a multi coloured rooster, to contribute to their fecund status. After having success with that, he got two Rhode island birds. Then he collected all the eggs, white and brown, and had the Rhode island birds sit on them, and hatch them. Once, he woke me up in the middle of the night, to check on the bird. I sleepily accompanied him to where the bird was sitting on the eggs, holding the torch, and following him. It was a very rainy night, and she was sitting on the eggs, resolute. So we had a clutch of little fluffy chickens, which I had to protect from the eagles as they ran about. I was just beginning to read, and one day, I opened the steel trunk in which he stored the collected eggs, and the headline said “Winston Churchill Dead”. I had no idea who that was, but event today, I can remember the large black ink headlines, and the excitement of being able to read a newspaper, and asking my father who it was who had died. It was 1965. There had been the day, earlier, when we were ready to go to the bus stop to catch the bus, and my mother stopped us, as she had the newspaper in her hand, and she said sadly, “John Kennedy has been shot”. That was 1963. Then there was the death of Pandit Nehru, 1964. All these created a huge sense of a vacuum in our lives, a sense of an ending, because our parents looked so distraught. Life was different because people had emotions, they were expressive, they interacted, they felt deeply, they aired opinions. 1984, and the genocide of the Sikhs, and the decades of consequent homogenization, with Hindu majoritarianism rising in an ever volatile democracy changed things. People became aggressive, hid their real feelings, wore masks, and communicated constantly that they felt marginalized or aggrieved. The decades of women’s education and mobility which had been prioritized since the 1960s started to take a beating. Being a woman was seen to be a problem, by fundamentalists. Exclusion of women, and the shaming and the hiding of their real selves became something which I associated with religious homogeneity. My generation had been taught to feel that the world was our home, and the decisions we made, and the mistakes we made, was something we should take responsibility for. Jamia changed in many ways, but I was out of the radius of its active life. Right through the later decades of the 20th century, I was pleased to be invited to Staff College, and to Department of Sociology, and to meet close friends who were teachers there, such as Sheena Jain and Savyasaachi, who invited me for thesis examination work . Prof Mohini Anjum, always warm and friendly, had shared an office with my father in the last years before his retirement circa 1978-1980. Other colleagues remembered Paul Sahib’s sense of humour, his beautiful sherwanis and Nehru jackets, his red Vespa, (which my sister Shobha learned to ride in Jamia in 1969 and crashed into many bushes before taking it to Lady Sri Ram College every day) and ofcourse Brownie, who was generically known as Paul Sahib ka kuttha ( Mr Paul’s dog). Neighbours’ children loved my father because he always had a packet of toffees which he freely distributed every day to children and colleagues, on being greeted. He was severely diabetic, on insulin, and never without sweets. I don’t really remember those years as being a hardship, without telephone, car and fridge. My father would purchase a large block of ice every morning, which he kept in an icebox, and preserved our milk, curd, butter for 24 hours. We were too young to want things, really. We were fed well, looked after by our parents with an obsessive devotion, and best of all, we had friends, a gang life in both Jamia where we stayed with my father, and Daryaganj where we stayed with my mother. I remember my father sent her a dozen Rhode island brown eggs in a packet, with my sister. We had to catch several buses, go to school, then catch the School bus to my mum’s flat. Unfortunately, one egg splattered all over Shobha’s arithmetic text book. I remember her dismay when she had to wipe it all off with her handkerchief. Then, we had to pack some clothes in our bag during this to-ing and fro-ing between our two homes. I was always nervous someone would accidentally open my suitcase (we carried suitcases in those days, little attaches with school books) and find my personal clothes and ask questions about our two homes. We didn’t think our parents odd, they were our parents. When we shifted to West Nizamuddin in 1968, we tried to bring Brownie with us. This involved walking from Jamia to West Nizammud-din with this tall husky mongrel hound. He looked like a hound, but was a mongrel. He walked through the busy main road companiably with my father, my sister and me on a leash. He greeted my mother, ate a good dinner, slept in the living room on a small charpoy. Next morning, he was gone, he didn’t even stop for a day or tell us his plans. Then, it turned out he had had walked back to Jamia safely, as he had urinated frequently on lampposts enroute. Soze Sahib’s family made Brownie his dinner everyday, and if they forgot, he stood on his hind legs, and knocked at their door. My father stopped at the butcher every day and bought him some offal, usually the lungs and wind pipe of goat and took it to him everyday in a steel box.. Brownie lived till the age of 14 years. He was the gentlest, most humane and aristocratic dog I have ever had the fortune to come across. We used to bathe him on weekends with Margo soap, I don’t remember him having ticks, or being vaccinated. All those fears became evident when my mother adopted two adorable lapdogs in Nizamuddin. Brownie was a country dog, running wild in the campus, sleeping under my father’s feet when he taught every day, accompanying me on my lone jaunts as I ran around Jamia campus when I was eight years old. We would be found most days under the giant Gulmohar trees near the administration office precincts, (at that time they were residences) very close to the main gate, where I found gulmohar buds good to eat. In 1964, a new teaching building was planned, and mountains of sand was made available for us children to play with. I lost my slipper there, and was very distraught, since one could get shouted at for losing things. When the building was completed, and the Ghalib statue came up, I actually saw my slipper, lying there as lost things do with no one to claim them like ball point pens and lone rubber slippers. I was older, and I remembered that game we children were playing in 1965 when I lost them, a war game, with soldiers, survivors and bullet victims. One of our favourite games were to line up vertical bricks in a line, maybe 100 of them, then with a gentle nudge, send them all tripping on one another, shouting “train, train.” The school of Aeronautical engineering came up during that time. The Director lived in the adjoining dumpoo, and he gave me a book on Dinosaurs. I read it, I was 7 years old, but found it more interesting to colour the animals and write my name on every page. I was fond of it, and it got terribly dogeared. Then he asked for it back, because he wanted some other child to read it. I was really embarrassed to hand it to him, but he did not rebuke me. He had some American Exchange Programme students come to stay with him. They were called Mr and Mrs Wold. I found them interesting, and being a sociable friendly child would drop by to see them. Mr Wold always had a sweet baby rheseus monkey on his shoulder, and Mrs Wold would ask me questions, to which I arbitrarily answered “Yes” and sometimes, “No” without understanding her accent. They were picture book Americans, she has a blonde brown pony tail and a pretty face, and he a had brown beard and wore checked shirts and shorts. When the baby monkey sometimes shat on his shirt, he just laughed and changed his shirt. Opposite them stayed the calm and very well dressed Mr Qureshi, the librarian. Jamia’s hospitality, and its languor were the most interesting thing about it. No one was ever in a hurry, and no one ever felt threatened by the slow pace of life (except my mother!) “Tashrif Rakho” was the invitation to have tea, and to be patient about pending bureaucratic work. I was grateful that my father gave us the opportunity and freedom to get to know his work space so well. His colleagues were ever present, offering us support and advice. At night, we pulled out charpoys, and made our beds in the garden spaces of our houses, and there was no infringement of privacy or no lurking sense of danger. In summer, the trees we had planted gave us fragrance of flowers, and also shade. When we shifted from Jamia to Jungpura, and then after two years to Nizamuddin, that tehzeeb of the college still followed us, though our mongrel hound, Brownie, preferred to stay back in the environs of the dumpoos, without us and be loyal to JM campus. It wasn’t that we visited often, or kept up with our childhood friends. They just occupied a very large phalanx of my memory, like a relic, reminding me of our cohorts in games of “pachasa” (count till fifty, or, hide and seek) and childhood experiences of understanding the habitat of grasshoppers. Once we reached our teens we stopped interacting, because our habitats and hobbies were different. That is a normal part of growing up.

On Eritrea

Bernal, Victoria.2014. Nation as Network, Diaspora, Cyberspace and Citizenship. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. 208.pp; $115.49. ISBN:978-0-226-14481-8 Victoria Bernal writes about the survival battles that Eritreans engage in. Eritrea got it’s independence in 1991, but the war with Ethiopia never quite came to an end. Further, their President, as Dictator and War Hero presents a Janus face to his people. The web then becomes the space where war crimes, present day repression, and the agonies of the people are clearly voiced. Dehai was the first and most well known website. The Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) was a splinter group from the Eriterean Liberation Front, which had begun armed struggle against Haile Selassie as early as 1961. In the thirty years of war that followed, many left home and went to many parts of the world, such as America, The Gulf and Europe. The war jeopardised everything. With the disruption of agriculture, foreign investment, and the building of support institutions, in order to conduct the long war, the people fled. In their new homes, they kept in touch with those whom they had left behind, and those who shared their servitude in distant lands, through websites which were also politically and government monitored, and sometimes manipulated. Bernal records the ways in which the Netizens discussed key issues such as Martyrdom, the role of the citizen, the dictatorship of President Isaias Afewerki and the funds coming into the country from those who felt that their monetary contributions would set the agenda for development. By paying taxes, the Diaspora could legally say that they had contributed to their country’s growth. Bernal describes in Chapter 1, Infopolitics and Sacrificial Citizenship how difficult it was for people, often holding refugee or political asylum status, to donate to the cause, but their feelings were strong, and it was the only way that this concept of nationhood could work for them. The second chapter, Diasporic Citizenship and the Public Sphere, discusses how Dehai, Asmarino and Awate, as websites, in the 1990s and onward, deal with political participation, the venting of feelings, and the expression of solidarity. The relationship between the small groups of gatekeepers, as well as individuals posting on the web, represented the volatile nature of identity politics, and the sharing of information. It’s not just commitment of money and ideas, it is also time, as it is spent on the web. As one informant told Bernal, “I didn’t do anything else on the internet. I just went to Dehai. It is a big commitment of time.” (73) From supporting the State to defining freedom in a portal took time, but when it happened, the critics were able to be judgemental about how the State was evolving and the policies associated with it. Chapter 3 is called The Mouse that Roars and attempts to understand how plural voices in the public sphere meant that dissent could find a place in discussion. Cyberspace became the platform where discussions could find free rein, questioning violence, patriarchal imperatives of state policy, and dialogue between the Nation state and it’s citizens. Censorship would begin to tag the writers, and web managers were thought to be complicit with this form of regulation. Bernal believes that self censorship and peer censorship were more important forms (109) The subjective states of writers who did manage to get their opinions published on the web expressed the nature of their very strong emotions, and the responses were also equally abundant and mercurial. There were suspicions too, that Dehai was a tool of the State. Diaspora websites thus collaborated with official websites. Dissemination of information and news was seen to be Dehai’s basic rationale, while Asmarino and Awate were not so subtle and were often openly and loudly critical. In Chapter 4, Mourning Becomes Electronic, the author looks at war memorials. Martyrs are paid tribute, dying is a national and voluntary sacrifice made for the nation, in which women might be mere survivors. War is a vocation, and fending off the Ethiopians continues to be a challenge. Like museums and maps, the memorial reads territorialisation in unique and biographical ways. These questions of sacrifice are profoundly raised by Bernal in Chapter 5, Sex, Lies and Cyberspace, where the author adroitly looks at rape as a weapon of war, the silence of women, and the servitude of the diaspora in other countries. The tragedy is internecine warfare, showing a new diaspora is now in place, which is escaping from the violence of President Isaias Afewerki. Susan Visvanatha. thanks to Vlad Naumescu for sending me the book many years ago.

Book Review "Medicine Wheel and the Planet" : Jennifer Grenz www. upress.umn.edu (presspr@umn.edu)2024

Jennifer Grenz: Medicine Wheel for the Planet: A Journey Towards Personal and Ecological Healing. Minnesota Press, Minneapolis and London. 2023 Jennifer Grenz writes an activist autoethnogrphy, almost an occupational memoir. Grenz knows everyone in her environment of salvaging ecology from the great crushing lethargy of colonialism and capitalism. Yet, her ancestral memory surfaces, though she was robbed of it, by the process of assimilation. Her grandparents hid their native roots from the ledger keepers of colonial imperialism. The trauma of knowing who they actually were is replaced by relief, in discovering hidden from sight grandmothers, and the humanist ability to keep the genealogies alive. Jennifer Grenz turns to the University to learn and get legitimating degrees. It is commonsense to realize that native peoples/ tribal communities/nations have survived climate change and mass migrations, so will surely have knowledge to help humanity through the present crises. Grenz found that as an environmental activist, there was an emphasis on following given procedures. Nature, however escaped the grids, and plants turned up where they were least expected. The Himalayan Berry was an invasive species that turned up in British Columbia. She and her team members would pull them out, and plant conifers. When they returned, to examine their restoration project, the conifer saplings were dead, and the berries were back. Many such instances of heart break led her to pursue a university degree to find solutions. Quite often, her co workers would not believer her findings from the field regarding adaptation practices of plants. Grenz began to ask new sets of questions which she shared in conferences. If the Himalayan Berry provided food for humans and fauna in cities when growing wild in pavement crevices, why pull them out? We know that the arctic circle is a concentric circle of migration patterns from Mongolia onwards, including the Himalayas and Europe, so its possible that the birds and bees as migratory pollinators and seed distributors carried the plants forward. It was unnerving for her to see that field procedures, often made by her, as a native/indigenous practitioner, using Western science categorization and classifications undo the “scientific” known and the “given” by the application of intuitive knowledge, through induction. Grenz’s ‘big bang’ moment comes at a time of family illness, when she discovers that the invasive species that she routinely pulled out as a scientifically trained ecologist are actually potent healing medicines in the indigenous systems. She also discovers that some plants, termed invasive weeds, are butterfly attractors. A sudden conversion is embarrassing to say the least, as she has a relational attitude to plants and talks to them. So, it means talking to the ‘enemy’ as weeds are considered to be, in invasive biology activism. Many such transformative and intimate moments happen in the book, as she use stories, legends and dreams, and draws on conversations with native elders. One is reminded of Levi Strauss’ “Savage Mind’ where he describes the large vocabulary of native children, and their ability to recognize and classify plants. Here, too, with the extinction of tribal languages, and the knowledge systems that they carry with them intrinsically is now lost. It is in this context, that she devises a new terminology for ecologists where nurturing, caring, protecting become the new terms invested in traditional knowledge systems, rather than referring to “stakeholders” privileges. She provides a gentler terminology, where “healing” is used as a substitute for “restoration” arguing that many workers who are enlisted in conservation work , who put in long hours in arduous work environments would prefer such a celebration of their skills. She writes, emphasizing that, we must have, “A language that ensures that Right peoples and relations are not missing from conversations that determine what happens to those lands, waters and resources.” (Grenz 2023:146) Part of the problem with old terminologies is that they remain as they are. Grenz faces some difficulties with the term “garden” as used for tribal communities. However, as Malinowski pointed out in his book, “Magic, Science and Religion” that, for the Trobrianders in the Pacific Islands, people’s horticultural practices, or ship building techniques are as efficient as their reading of the stars, or their ability to travel long distances by water to trade in ceremonial arm bracelets, shell necklaces, fish and yams. In Jennifer Grenz’s ancestral lands scholars find archival and archaeological residues of many types of fruits and vegetables that would have travelled long distances. Grenz suggests that conventional ecology oscillates between a ‘live and let live’ policy, contrasted by militarized forms of exclusion or inclusion of indigenous practices. Instead, she would wish a relational webwork that demands conscious relationality. By this she means networking with an understanding of shared interests and motivations. Here, material culture is a reconnaissance of terms/translations inviting both conscious as well as latent knowledge systems to be in interaction. Some of the things that Grenz underlines in her theory of networking is sociability and responsibility. This involves reciprocity, friendship links and conversations, a knowledge about the needs of the earth couched in the intimacy of interactions. As an activist she knows that the paid labour that goes into ecological awareness is a pittance. The funding dries up, the jobs are varied, the same person is in charge of cleaning latrines as well as taking visitors around, sweeping, collecting seeds and planting and watering. Can tourists, cyclists and people visiting forests to walk their dogs be called in to active responsibilities to the environment? It is in Ye’yumnuts, in Vancouver, the territory where she had collected her data, that Grenz sees the sacred snake Sisuital, two headed and unnerving. Her community translates this vision as a learning device, where she is told to adapt to the present, while invoking the dream time of the past. Contradictory though this is, it helps her to forge the significance of local histories, going back to 2,500 years ago, and accessible through carbon imaging. Yet settler colonialism has its heavy imprint, which she attempts to understand through concepts of invasion and theft. This tragic loss is the underpinning of memory, where amnesia and assimilation shadow the family history of those who seek to fit in. Ecological sensitivity demands both the respect to mortuary sites where ancestors are buried, as well as socialization of the young into the symbiosis between community livelihoods and nurturing the land. It is this mutual dependence between people and territory that is the most sensitive of debates for Jennifer Grenz. The work of committees is often autocratic and oligarchic, while collating individual responses gets the greatest diversity in terms of planning ahead. What she calls an “assembly of knowledges” depends on the unique configuration that does not call for mixing or syncretism, which in fact, respects the individual. (Grenz 2023: 231). This methodological insight comes from the indigenous crafts of mosaic work/beading, where each individual artifact contributes to the design as a whole. Dr Susan Visvanathan is the author of “The Children of Nature” (Roli 2010). Her most recent books are “The Wisdom of Community” (Bloomsbury India 2022) and “Work, Word and the World” (Bloomsbury India 2022) Book sent to Aleppey by Minesotta Press, for favour of review

An Aid to Memory/ Summary of Chapters of the book 'Soul, Body and Gender in Late Antiquity" *Routledge 2024

Soul, Body and Gender in Late Antiquity: Essays on Embodiment and Disembodiment . Edited by Stanimir Panayotov, Andra Juganaru, Anastasia Theologou and Istvan Perczel. Routledge London and New York 2024 An Aid to Memory or Summary of Chapters for purpose of Book Launch in hybrid mode in CEU Vienna on12th February 2024 Uma Chakravarti’s essay is about the exclusion of women from the monastery. The reasons given are their characteristic vulnerability from a male point of view, that is, menstruation and pregnancy. The petitions, mediators and problem solving is described in some detail. The Buddha has rules about order and livelihood in the Sangha. As her earlier work showed, women have to ask for entry, and their persistence, with the help of a compassionate mediator who translates on their behalf, allows them partial participation. Emese Mogyordi discusses Parmenides's sole poem. The seeker must find Wisdom. Here women are identified with light and wisdom, men with darkness and weight. There is difference and hierarchy in egalitarianism. Parmenides, by valorizing women, gives them an active role in discernment. Light is hot and women represent that, so wisdom goes to them. It is the Goddess with soft speech who initiates the youth. Anastasia Theologou looks at Plotinus and the triad of Body / Soul/Intelligence. Seeing is a central term for Plotinus as it actualized the relation between the exterior and interior worlds. Sense perceptions are based on impressions which are in turn intelligible. The world soul and the individual soul become connected. Sight and the self become connected, the mutuality of conversation and translations, allows for the understanding of similitude and difference. For Socrates the eye which sees carries forward the act of seeing with its achievement or completion. The one and many are encapsulated in the act of seeing. It is in dialogue with otherness that sameness evolves. Sight and colors fuse, and unity evolves into the action of the eye which sees (on ti ophis all). Theologou follows Perczel in arguing that reception (paradoxi) and touch ( epiboli) are the two aspects which allow the informed intellect to evolve from the inchoate impression. In Plotinus view, seeing allows us to integrate self and other. By the integration with the lower selves, the beauty of the cosmos is recognized and ascendancy to the One, the World Soul is realized. Stanimir Panayotov takes the argument forward, to ask if the soul is male or female? He analyses the work of Plotinus, who suggests that there is the body, which is activated by the soul, and through this activation the human is formed. There is, according to Plotinus, a hierarchy of male and female, where the creation principle depends on the seed generated by both male and female, but women are reincarnated beings punished for injustice and cowardice in previous lives. However, the World Soul is gender neutral, taking active identity in one/other/ third form in a specific body. Panayatov goes on to say that for Plotinus, the One is gender neutral but capable of generating the Dyad. The Dyad has male and female elements, the male being Intelligence the Female being the Soul. Though women are reincarnated as women because of lapses in their previous incarnation, they are not less than men. The questions of sex and biology together constitute their identity as women, but philosophy allows them to transcend, and therefore they are allowed entry into philosophical circles (as in Raphael's painting, of the circle of Philosophers at work in the Forum). This entry into abstraction allows them entry and absorption into the neutral One. Chiara Militello discusses the two Aphroditai. The first engages with the intellect, is pure abstraction and is married to Hephaestus, son of Zeus. She is born from the torn testicle of Uranus, the great connector of the world and things. Not being born of a woman, she has the unlimited power of her father, is pure and associated with the intellect. The other Aphrodite is the daughter of Zeus and Dione. She is associated with materiality and sensuality. She is identified with Eros who is born with her/of her and acts with her at the corporeal level. The two Aphroditai, in Plotinus' interpretation, are dynamic principles contrasted with the higher principles of male intellect. The lower Aphrodyte is married to her lover Ares, by the act of the higher Aphrodyte's husband Hephaestus throwing a golden net over the adulterers Aphrodyte and Ares. He imprison them but also consequently, frees them. The higher Aphrodyte is born of Cronos castrating Uranus and so she arises from the foam of the sea which mystics see as abstraction and beauty. But the higher Aphrodite cannot engage with the corporal, so the lower Aphrodyte is often linked with prostitution, and carnal love is born. The male principle of intellect as opposed to intangible soul and corporal body remains hierarchically superior for Plotinus. Sex and war divide as do activities of the lower Aphrodite and Ares. Feminists seek to translate the patriarchal codes given in myth that appear to exist with the sole intention of cowing women. Plotinus suggests that men and women cannot do without one another, and women, though inferior, are associated with happiness and beauty. In fn 71 Chiara writes that sea foam is a generative power, and the generative power of a male God. The Sea stands for life according to her, as the waters have no limits and engage with the earth in its deepest parts. The aspect of life,desire and procreation, are given to the lower aspect. The return to the One and the superiority of the male principle is therefore reasserted. Natalie Schuler examines a novel Aethiopica by Heliodorus from the 4th century B.C. The novel is about the love between CharIkleia and Theagenes. The two fall in love on first sight, it is the meeting of souls who recognize one another. Faced with terrible calamities, (including human sacrifice) their surviving of these against all odds, becomes the cornerstone of the story. Their bodies are the site of attention for the novelist, they are beautiful, pure and chaste. For this reason the golden grid on which they are individually placed doesn't burn them. They become more burnished and beautiful as they stand the test of fire. Because their beauty instead burns the audience, their holiness saves them, and according to the novel they are the reason that human sacrifice is given up. Schuler looks at the fusion of body and soul and the theory of recognition across time as the leitmotif of the story. The ‘self’ appears in this pleasing fusion in the centre of the narrative providing hope to the reader that true love will prevail. Gyorgy Gereby, in a complex analysis of apocrypha shows the extent of polyphony and contradiction in narrative analyses. It therefore expands Schuler's understanding of fiction as prose, legend as history and the sacred and cultural contexts of these. The Protevangelium Jacobi is a second century text which confronts a circulating Jewish pamphlet popularly in circulation at that time, that Mary was a working class woman seduced by a Roman soldier, which resulted in the birth of Jesus. The Protovangelium therefore presents Mary as the daughter of wealthy parents who gift her to the synagogue. Mary herself is born of elderly parents (similar to Zachariah and Elisaeth) and her birth is announced by angels. The sacralisation of Mary continues with the appearance of Joseph as protector to the divinely chosen Mary. Their virtue is endorsed by birth of Jesus in a cave, and the preordained coming of the three kings. Gereby goes on to analyse the ethos of the superiority of men over women, in gnostic apocrypha, where women are seen to be the torchbearers of desire, risking the penance of men by marriage and children. The culmination of this theme is not just hierarchy but that women can enter heaven only by becoming men, by Jesus injunction to be as eunuchs. Istvan Pasztori Kupan analyses the phraseology of Amphilochius who lived around the time of the Nicean/ Constantinople debates of 381, perhaps in 340 c.e. The two bodies of Christ being at the centre, the contribution that Amphilochius makes is that the living body of the Christ is made available to the ‘doubting’ Apostle Thomas as the same but yet not the same: the resurrected body has the marks of the crucifixion but has not ascended. Therefore participation in the body of Christ allows us the same Anchorage in heaven. The faithful will have the opportunity to rise not as flesh corporeal but as the Spirit. This essay concludes with the idea that what is of the body is material but that which is of the imagination never dies. Orsolya Varsanya analyses the translation and use of a Greek work authored by a student of Aristotle’s, namely, Theophrastos. She also engage as well as Aristotle's work De Plantis which was preserved as a commentary. The Christian Arabs used these extracts in order to understand the genesis of Christ in asexual terms. Just as fruit and seeds were of the tree and of the plant but not the tree or plant, so also the son was of the father. There is a linguistic use of "emerging from" which does not need to engage with sexuality. Varsanya’s argument is that the use of texts in circulation in the 9th century allowed Christian Arabs like Ammar al -Basri’s's the "Book of the Proof" to draw from Botanical sources to provide metaphors for virgin birth. Are there male plants, female plants and how does fruit generate? If Eve was born from the shoulder of Adam how was Able born? So the acceptance of myths as sacrd histories which may not be questioned, allows for parallel explanations to provide answers, when they are sought in the circle of the faithful. Peter D Steiger and Makiko Sato analyse the texts of Didymus the Blind and St Augustine of Hippo, to show that the serpent is an abstraction, it is the devil that seduces Eve. Didymus believes that Genesis is an allegory and Paradise like Heaven is an allegorical phase. However, both Didymus the Blind and St Augustine generate the animus as soul, woman and desire in one breath where good and evil coincide, and choice is what leans action to one or the other. Each human therefore carries the essence of these values and therefore Adam, Eve and the Serpent are to be found in one Person. Thought is innocent but can lead to evil actions. The serpent created by God, according to this theory, is not inherently evil, nor are humans. Concupiscence activates evil, and as for monastics they liberate themselves from marriage and family, by using the tropes for the integration of animus. Isabelle Koch engages with a comparison of Augustine and Julian's view on sexuality and marriage, using 4th century Manichaenism as the theological leitmotif connecting them. Augustine was influenced by Manichaenism which promoted celibacy. Julian argued for the naturalness of carnal love and God's blessing in Genesis to ‘go forth and multiply’. Augustine, in his later theology, created a double stranded theology of marriage. Firstly, sexuality for procreation as good; secondly, sexuality to curb or absorb the excess sexuality of the other, in marriage, is acceptable. The former blesses the Union with children who will become new converts to Christianity through baptism. The second sets up a wall against adultery through mutual consent, so that even the choice to continence is by togetherness and consnt, if not acceptance. Julian sees sexuality and fecundity as natural processes sanctioned by the Church. As Christ is husband to the Church, the superiority of men over women is once more asserted. Gabor Kendeffy continues the interrogation of Augustine by asking the readers the simple question, “Did Adam and Eve have sexual intercourse before the Fall?” This problem is then matrixed within the oppositional problem of good and evil. The eating of the fruit of knowledge of good and evil transforms the natural state of humans in Paradise who become disobedient and self conscious of their nakedness. Thrust out of Paradise they give birth to Cain, who murders his brother Able. So what was the condition of Adam and Eve before they became humans doomed to death and suffering? Kendeffy dwells on the control of the sexual act brought about by the continuous reflection of an automatic biology, which generates sexuality and reproduction by instinct. After the Fall there is desire and will. It is this consciousness of expulsion which makes sexuality hidden, and lost involuntarally. Celibacy demands the controlling of lust by excluding it, and/or by legitimizing procreation by marriage. These questions continue to inform the church as rules of abstinence and interdiction against homosexuality and abortion. Ana-Maria Raducan looks at fragments on the lives of female martyrs who were thrown to wild animals in cages by Roman emperors. This terrible event of murder for public amusement, is read in terms of how the martyrs faced death. In each case rather than being shamed by their enforced nakedness they met the gaze of their viewers boldly. Their love for Christ and the purity of their soul shamed their captors, but from death there was no escape. Both maternity and sexuality are transcended by female martyrs looking towards heaven for sanctuary. looking towards heaven for sanctuary. Mariana Bodnaruk discusses the issue of St Pelagia. She was a successful actress and prostitute who caught the eye of a Bishop in Antioch in the 4th century. The attraction was mutual, for she begged to be converted and left all her wealth to the Church. According to legend, she found her woman's status to be limiting, and her penance too constrained by her femininity. Desiring freedom, she wore monk's cassocks, went to Palestine, dressed as a Bishop. She found lodging in penitents’ caves, went through extreme asceticism, dying in her own filth. She who was wealthy, had slaves, property and jewels and treasures, spent three years in a cave, covered in stench. The priests who discovered her remains, saw she was a woman. They tried to hush it up, but her fame as a mystic had spread. Bodnaruk looks at all the literature around Pelagia’s transvestism, intersexuality, eunuch status and then addresses the problem of female persona who utilizes male disguise, only to extend her own feminity. To be like a man, to repudiate femaleness, to rise... . All these were given in the cultural codes of that time. The paradox is in the saint's view, that in relation to God all souls are feminine. Jonathan Cahana-Blum analyses the tragic case of a slave boy named Dostitheus, who enters a hospice/ monastery. He is one of those pretty slave boys who is used to luxury and intimate coddling but after a well known Roman military general finishes using him, he sends the adolescent youth to the monastery. Here, the boy enters a life of piety, theological curiosity and immense hunger. It is this hunger that becomes the subtext of the paper. Dositheus knows that his hunger and lassitude are intimately connected to his past life: he sleeps a lot and given his adolescence craves food. He contracts tuberculosis, from his close contact with the sick. When dying, he tells his mentor that he has heard soft boiled eggs can cure him, yet he prays that the monk not give it to him, for he wishes to die. So what was the reason for the young slave boy to do this? Cahana-Blum suggests that it was to exercise over his overseer/monk his dominant will over him. Set as a riddle, where the monk must obey the changeling Dostitheus, the boy dies knowing he has power over his gatekeeper. Jordan Poole's essay discussed the silence over the question of menopause in the Greek medical literature. This was probably because there was no known cure for the ailments that accompanied life cycle change and women resorted to popular and local remedies. Galen and others were agreed that women sometimes did menstruate till 60 years of age but the average was 45 to 50 years, and corpulent women menopauses at 35. So Poole looks at the theory of suitable gems, talisman inscriptions, including amulets as personal property. These were kept for longer than needed for its specific purpose and the possibility of it being passed on to others. The chant to magic inscribed in the fragment has the specific case attributed to the God Tantulus who could be persuaded to stop "flooding" the subject, or its reverse as in the case of desired abortion. Ares, God of War, who healed wounds was also pertinent in these odes to pray for cessation or increase of bleeding, which ever the case. Andra Juganaru tells the story of Mary the Egyptian and Zosimos the monk in the 5th century. Zosimow encounters her as he walks in the desert, during Lent. He was looking for a male ascetic who will guide him in superior mysteries. He encounters a naked woman who tells him her story. She was a harlot who experienced intense pleasure in sexuality, food and alcohol and obscene songs. Then when a higher force repudiated her entry into a church she wanted to visit, she repents and spends 17 years in Jordan, fasting and wandering. She receives her food as other Old Testament prophets did (multiplication of loaves, herbs and roots). She baptized herself in the river Jordan and then shows herself to Zosimas, who is her witness and carries her story forward to listeners and readers across the centuries. It is a story of self denial and female ascetic power. She is the vacuum in which the narrative creates immense supernatural power and ability in the body of a woman, setting up the allegory with Christ in the desert. Susanna Elm's essay looks at 4th century c.e when war breaks out as civil war between segments of the Roman empire . The mercenary hordes of soldiers are implicated in the actions of local warlords. The latter have to confront self claimed warriors who are rivals to Rome's centre's of patriotic authority. The defeated become slaves and are derided for their lack of virtue or courage. The feminification of these who lose the battle, is the subject of Pacatus’ rhetoric analysed by Elm. In the meeting of Theodosius and Magnum Maximus, Theodosius carries forward the virtues of austerity, courage and manliness while Maximus is beheaded as a ‘negligent slave’ wearing ornaments and jewels. Since the mercenaries have fluid identities they can be forgiven if they join the victorious side and their identities as Roman's returned to them. If not, they remain pleasure loving Egyptian slaves in the eyes of "Vir" Romans. David Rollo looks at a text called " De Nuptio". It tells of the marriage of Philology (associated with mortal desire for divine intercourse) and Mercury who is the keeper of knowledge and wisdom. The marriage is attended by the Liberal Arts to which Architecture and Music may be added. However, the subtext of this 5th century text from Carthage are those elements of mockery, laughter, drunkenness, interrogation that accompany learning and its response from a sceptical audience. The wedding guests intervene but Philology and Mercury do marry, and are led to secret themselves in the wedding chamber. The marriage is the very stuff of a dialogic inferiority for, “If the girl is smarter, what are the conquerors?” When the text re reappears in the Arthurian age, there is a hierarchisation of the Liberal Arts so that Geomety,Arithmetic and their consequences for mapping the universe are prioritized. Enide, the female principle is left to enjoy the remaining Arts. Susan Visvanathan's essay on King Solomon’s "Song of Songs" and Adi Shankara's "Saundariya Lahiri" compares two literary works, which may be separated by centuries, but have common and shared themes. She tries to understand how love for the mother transcends the erotic, and moves to spatialisation and map making of the country as subjugated, owned, conquered or united. The very terms by which political ambitions are divinised are historically located for both poets. Whether within the terms of polygamy, as in the case of Solomon, and his consequent conversion to many religions; or celibacy and adoration of the Goddess in Adi Sankara’s work; the central concept remains the appropriation of the divine without possibility of equal status between devotee and God. The poets surrender to the beauty of the loved one in the form of the Goddess/ the Mother/Wife/Lover in the bliss of the Garden while remaining adoring and chaste. Susan Visvanathan (Former Professor of Sociology, Centre for the Study of Social Systems, JNU)

Understanding Race and Labour in Plantation Economies in Jamaica

Notes Toward Understanding Plantation Economies Barry Unsworth: Sacred Hunger Penguin Books, London 1992 and James A Delle: The Colonial Caribbean, Cambridge University Press:2014 “In later times, when commercial enterprise came to be a virtue in itself, and a good return on capital was blessing enough the need to invoke legitimacy was not so much felt, but the men around the table still felt it strongly.” ( Unsworth 1992:16) Kemp looked smilingly round the table. “And look what is happening to sugar,” he said. “I don’t need to tell you gentlemen what raw sugar is worth on the home market nowadays.’ He raised a hand and made a rapid sketch of a triangle in the air before him. “Three separate profits’, he said. “One in Africa, one in Jamaica, one back here. And each one better than the last.” (17) “…these were all Liverpool men. There could scarcely have been one of them who had not a full understanding of the Triangular Trade as it was called –cheap trade goods to Africa for the purchase of Negroes, these then carried to America or the West Indies and sold there; rum and tobacco and sugar bought with the proceeds and resold in England. Most of them were involved in the trade to some degree, as manufacturers, brokers or wholesalers.’ (17) Barry Unsworth was a coal miner’s son, from Durham, who went on to study in Manchester and taught in Cambridge. He won the Booker Prize in 1992, with the Sri Lankan diaspora writer living in Canade, Michael Ondatje, who won it for his novel, later made into a film called the English Patient, which is about a love that destroys the protagonists. It looks at British colonialism from the point of view of the inflammable loves and lives of expatriates caught in the tropics and imprisoned by their passion. Sacred Hunger is about the way in which slavery is the bases of plantation economies rendered volatile by the emotions of those caught in the warp and weft of greed and an accompanying servitude. The same themes, with parallel renderings of theatre and commercial calumny, are to be found in Marina Warner’s Indigo. For the purposes of understanding the repertoire of writers seeking to describe the history of exploitation and greed, we need to look at the self reflexivity of these authors. They are carriers of that huge warren of memory that allows us to negotiate with civilizational guilt, a record keeping of the brutality of British adventurers and traders before the administrators took over, before civil rights awareness about slavery took hold of the public imagination. It must be remembered that mission history begins around the same period, because the missionaries did not find a ready listening public in England. The abolition of slavery was part and parcel of missionary enterprise. Their countrymen were busy in taverns and did not heed the call to frugality and reform, so the missionary congress moved abroad attaching themselves to company servants and administrators who were not willing to give them the status that they had as members of the ruling class. The missionary movements thus first congregated around the pietist missionaries from Denmarkk and Germany in seeking to travel to India. Dennis Hudson’s monumental work on the Tranquebar Mission deals with questions of caste and language to help us understand the manner in which at a later time, Church Missionary Society in the early 19th century, had a baseline from which to work with in Serampore or in Kottayam. Unsworth, much in the style of the Ancient Mariner demands our attention of a ship journey through the Atlantic to Jamaica from Liverpool. He uses 630 pages to tell us a story of the late 18th century, before slavery was abolished. He describes the fate of these ‘negroes’ or ‘blacks’ who are captured by slave drivers from their homes and locked in the underbelly of the ship. These quarters cramp hundreds of them together, all manacled and half starved. They are separated by gender, with children being enclosed with their mothers. For half an hour a day they are brought on to the deck, where they are told to dance with their shackles on. The noise they make, the clanking of their chains, their collective misery is so terrible, that the fiddler deputized to play Irish songs for their dancing, complains to the ship’s captain that he cannot hear his tunes, and that affects his performance. These terms of continuous misery, to which the galley crew, as well as the slaves from Africa kidnapped for commercial reasons, become the subject of this literary work of immense magnitude. Barry Unsworth provides for us a valuable text for understanding questions of colour and hierarchy, the manner in which the dialects of the Scots and Irish is posed against the English spoken by Liverpool inhabitants as sailors and carpenters, and later the pidgin devised to access conversation between the different groups. The omnipresent narrator, who is the ship’s doctor, is the central figure in the book. The emotions, the conversations, the details of windcrossings and ocean tides, the manner in which people connect to one another through their personal dialects and forms of speech are all reflected through the log kept by the doctor in a free flowing hand, which does not limit itself to events but also to the dialectic of past and present as an ever arising confluence of contradictions. The Doctor has an interest in evolution, it is more than a scientific preoccupation, it is a passion. He used fossil remains to show that the earth is older than 6000 years, given in biblical lore, and he is so profoundly affected by his discovery and the corresponding literature that is emerging at that time, that he is thrown into jail. His ‘sin’ is that he has opposed the evolutionary principles outlined in the book of Genesis. Because of an idea that he is convinced about, he loses all his prosperity and the domestic spaces of tender conjugal love and the child his wife carries in her womb. Both die, he is freed from prison, because his uncle pays for his release. However, the tax is to accompany his uncle’s ship to Jamaica, where the commerce in slavery can be supported by the Doctor confirming for the commercial company owned by his uncle of the health of slaves bought and sold and resold. The Doctor carries with him the terrible guilt of his past, the loss of his lovely and tender wife Ruth and their first born child aborted by the horror of his imprisonment, and his mutilation in the stocks to which he was chained for a night before being jailed. He can never forget that it was ideas to which he held so passionately, in which he believed in as a geological and scientific truth which rent his life apart. When his uncle rescued him, and then bartered his future to the cause of slavery and commerce he felt that inviting his nephew to enter the family business was a logical consequence. The Doctor never imagined that the days in the company of run away thieves, captive drunkards and the ceaseless ranting in the holds of those who saw their lives not just as exploited but who fought among themselves would have such a deleterious impact on him. He notes everything carefully, keeping his log in a box, lacquered and precious which his aunt had given him before he sailed. It survives ship wreck, and later becomes the bases of the novel. Unsworth writes that there was a mulatto in the 1830s. who was a relic from the North Carolina plantations, who would roam in the pubs and taverns talking about his father, a white doctor. A journalist recorded his story, the collation was seen by Unsworth, but then it was lost, disappeared or crumbled as old papers do. Fiction represented itself as the way a real story, (that of a mulatto talking about Paradise) could reappear. So, in the ship’s hold was a beautiful slave, who helps to heal the Doctor. He sees her, and in his descriptions, she is the archetypically loose limbed, strong, exquisite of face and form. She recognizes his ardour. And among these slaves and free men all entangled in the torpor of a stinking ship, where the wind has stopped, but when they reach Florida, instead of Jamaica, there is retribution. The ship’s captain is killed, and a motley crew with slaves reaches the shore. There they invent for themselves a ‘free society’, a kind of primitive communism, where women are polyandrous, (or atleast bigamous) and bear children of slave fathers as well as white crew and the doctor recognizes his son among those born by his lover. The management of emotions in a free love society operated by consent and rules is the subject of the last sections of the book. They spend ten years in this situation, hidden away from the world, swearing to the rights of being human and equal. But into this paradise, comes the Doctor’s cousin, a merchant, who has had to face the calamities of his youth, including his father’s suicide. The ship lost at sea turns them into paupers, and he climbs the ladder by marrying a rich trader’s daughter and gives up his first love. This cousin has come to punish the sailors who jumped ship, and reclaim the slaves and their children, for they are to him property. The abhorrent situations in which the slaves find themselves in, when captured once again, is to place them back on the ship that their proprietor’s son has brought, and the Doctor dies in the mishap following being shot in his leg. He knows that the Paradise he had been a part of, where all were equal in the face of abundance was a fluke of nature. It was the way in which his sorrowful past had been brushed aside, and new possibilities of love and life had come to fruition. Death brings with it the end of a life, and yet, the jagged remembrance of a child sold to slavery, who grows old in the taverns of North Carolina becomes the fleeting way by which a life is retold almost 60 years after the Doctor was killed by the soldiers his cousin had brought for his capture. Unsworth suddenly closes the tale, by setting two men, who are not allied emotionally, but yet the tenderness of a childhood act of lifting a younger cousin above the waves becomes the nucleus of a passionate hatred that informs the betrayal and the shooting of the older cousin decades later. Life with its twists and turns only betrays the reader because Unsworth shows us that emotions are palimsests which we must continually unravel. Till such time, the narrator, like a playwright weaves the actors in different contexts, with different resolutions, the events remain opaque to us. The slaves were sold in North Carolina, and did not reach Jamaica. The plantation economies were dependent on slaves, and the mortality rate was huge, and they were quickly replaced by new ones. According to James A. Delle, in The Colonial Caribbean (2014) the African resource in the labour needed for plantations was replaced by labour from the basin of the Indian Ocean. This was because slavery had been abolished by parliament in 1807. From here, we can understand the rise of Indian indentured labour. ( Delle 2014: 55) “Despite the fact that hundreds of thousands of African people had been brought to Jamaica to work the plantations, throughout the eighteenth century, Jamaica had experienced the incessant re-population of the plantations made possible by the African slave trade.” (55) The importation of slaves from Africa was no longer possible after 1807. The plantations were also dependent on the political connotations of the environment, as we know from the American Revolution and the Boston Tea Party. Taxes, costs and the profit motives were interdependent. Coffee had never had the popularity of tea, the British grew coffee in the highlands of Jamaica with access to the sea being variable. With the Napoleonic wars and the embargos on export to Europe they lost a major market.(55) Plantation owners saved money on slaves by encouraging them to grow their own food, and become subsistence farmers, (56). Farmers with small landholdings grew cocoa, indigo and food for themselves, but after their death, their land was usually usurped by wealthy planters who focused mono agriculture, namely sugar (59) The highlands became reserved for coffee, as sugar could not be grown there, and the famous Blue Mountain coffee developed under these plantation owners. The term plantation or mono agriculture became identified with colonialism(62). In the 16th century Ulster planters were settled in Jamaica, and the Protestant dissenters in America.(62). By the beginning of the 18th century, in the Carribean and SouthEastern America, plantations took on a new meaning. They referred to “a privately held agricultural estate, consisting of capitalized land and social labour harnessed for the material gain of the owners of the estates, the plantation proprietors’ (62). David Eltis and Martin Halbert have an important cyber data base in ‘slavevoyages’ (63). Eltis argues in a video interview, sponsored by Emory University, that in locating the places that slaves came from becomes difficult when personal names are lost by renaming on being purchased. Delle brings to our attention to the differences between the metropolitan elite who are buyers and consumers in cities like London, and the regional elites who are administrators and peripheral producers and managers in the colonies. They would include clerks, accountants, lawyers, doctors and other types of managers(65) The plantation system brought out a “racialised hierarchy” where labour could be fettered and not paid. To achieve planter status required purchase of land. “The planter class was subdivided by social ranking, particularly as that ranking applied to an individual’s relationship to the means of production. Heuristically, the planters can be divided into three overlapping groups. The most powerful was comprised of the proprietor who held legal title to plantations, as well as the attorneys who managed financial affairs of their own. A second group included overseers, who ran the daily operation of the estates, and their assistants (often called ‘bookkeepers’). The final groups included artisans, merchants doctors and other professions who lived in the urban centers but owned plantations (67). Till 1834, when slavery was legally abolished, the slaves were seen as mere commodities, and did not have the right to sell their labour power (68). The book keeper, or record keeper, was the man hired to keep day to day accounts of events,and often like Thomas Thistlewood put himself in the text giving an archival resource to the economic, domestic and sexual customs of plantation managerial staff (71). In the occupational mobility system book keepers sought to become overseers, as this allowed them privileges of keeping watch over slaves and controlling them, in the name of safe guarding the produce for the owners, who were often absentee landlords. (71) The overseer found it easy to classify slaves according to birth antecedents, so white, black and mulatto could be defined according to color (111). Delle writes, “In creating a “negro” or “black” race, the planters created simultaneously a “white” race. In the context of early 19th century Jamaica, this process of racialization not only created systems of symbolic definition of self, defined by physical characteristics, but used that system to maintain a class-based social structure in which access to the control of the forces of production was mediated by the definition of legal “whiteness” (111) .In between colonizing British and slaves were Jews, Indians and mulattoes all of whom were guarded by restrictions either against owning property or office, of having control over certain occupations. (111) There were ‘free black’ or ‘free colour’ but the British used sanctions to curtail their freedoms or access to civil rights which were seen as privileges. The planter class defined differences amongst themselves in terms of very structured rules of hospitality and social mobility, access to goods and services, and finally consent about how order between themselves would be maintained. (114) They created ‘colonial enclaves’ which were important to them in terms of shared understanding of consumption and leisure, and networking (115). There was a leveling principle which helped whites of all classes to bond in terms of their acceptance of duties, and involved rejection of the rights of slaves to freedom or equal worth. (115). To survive in the isolation of their plantations, networking was the most important feature. They had to meet and establish relations of reciprocity. Plantation houses became the grandest symbol of what they had achieved. The forms of socialization into the hierarchy and intimacy of slavery was necessary for the continuation of the system. In Jamaica, shared wharves became along with the shared hospitality of homes and sponsored tavern feasts became the major point of unity among the Blue Mountain planters, who had to descend to the sea coast to send off their produce (117). There were also the road managers, or ‘waywardens’ who were in charge of the roads from mountains to the beaches. They had to see to the pliability of the roads for which they were dependent on slave labour (124). This labour was procured through rotation from each plantation labour, and was responsible for moving boulders and clearing mud from the roads. By placing the work of a literary writer and an archaeologist of spatial uses in colonialism I have tried to show the weaving of two kinds of specialized narrative. Literature seeks to embolden the sensory aspect of historical reality. It brings to life those very people who walked the earth, and who are now long dead. It uses the embellishments of language to help us understand the cross cutting trajectories of a received memory, either from archives, early socialization in working class contexts, or the murmuring of memory as it rises in specialized study in a foreign university. Unsworth chose to study in Manchester, though he had the possibility equally of receiving a scholarship in Cambridge. That choice was integral to the way in which the intimacies of Cockney speaking Englishmen moves on to an understanding of Scottish and Irish dialects, and the animosities among themselves. In the end, in Paradise, the Doctor reverts suddenly to speak in the Queen’s English, and his comrades round on him in pidgin for betraying their community.

Genealogy as Time

Genealogy as Time Abstract This paper attempts to understand time as a concept in Sociology. Raimundo Pannikar in his Mantramanjari showed us the beauty of the Vedas as an act of poetry. It was his belief that we imagine the past as much as we imagine the future. To think in terms of the categories of “Primitive” and “Modern” was seen to be racial and hegemonic by the end of the last century (Visvanathan 2012). How, then, can we understand the co existence of time? Methodologically, this is the central trope of Indian Sociology or Social Anthropology. When politicalised it reads as ‘caste histories’ and concomitant theories of domination and exclusion, including the consensus theories of the 1960s, and Dalit theoreticalised interventions. Race and Varna, linear evolution and lateral readings of geographical similarity become infused by the need to know who one is descended from. DNA testing for political purposes for reasons of state craft and petty bullying makes people ever conscious of their status as "insiders" or "outsiders". Yet, evolutionary biology places Lucy, an ancient ancestor, a museumised assemblage of bones, not 200,00 years ago but 3 million years ago. Both popular writing, or science journalism, work with the idea that this past is redeemable through the histrionics of the moment of discovery, till another evolutionary theory comes along. Keywords time coexistence genealogy evolution dispersion migration trails race caste feminism Striations of Time The general opinion which calls the “Human Race” as a manifestation of time differs on two concepts: linearity and coexistence. Sociology has always worked with these as representations. Totemism is the best example of how symbols, objects and humans converge. Representations of large swathes of time are enclosed in the stuff of legend. Time coalesces events, and with self identification with the warrior hero or his cohort, legend becomes sacred history or myth. In this complex web of narrative, which links the often unknown time of production of the epic, with its context and use, ‘time’ becomes like a banjo that can expand or contract according to need. It is the web of assurance of the continuity of time and meaning that allows metaphor to function as a link. Time as an ‘epoch’, whether in science or in religion, serves as a ‘model’ of time. It allows people to classify events such that certain categories of similitude whether of flora, fauna or bipedal mammals are placed in a comprehensible slot (Sinha Kapur 2011). In this paper I review the work of Frederique Marglin and Donna Haraway to show how they construct alternative ways of thinking about the epiphenomena of feminist logic to dismantle theories of domination and power. While working closely with their texts, and those of younger feminists, I reconstruct the manner in which lineages and their grammar undergo a transformation conducive to understanding nature and nurturing. The confrontation of monolithic scientific systems and the trails left behind them is contested by those who believe that the accidents of history have to be met appropriately according to specific historical and dynamic contexts. I use Chomsky’s “innateness” theory of language to say that the potentialities of language learning and use are confirmed and clarified according to their existential location. Haraway suggests that science is a language that has to be learned, and aptitude and capability will depend on the cultural parameters that are provided for equal access to men, women and third gender representatives. Within this, the revoking of citizen rights and the return to tradition and orthodoxies may well make the task of equal access doubly hard. Qualitative time is represented as value systems. Genealogy is thus a form of social fabrication, whether it is of the human race, or vested interests in property, or the ownership of appropriate customs and concomitant emotions. How we feel, and what we are allowed to express are delineated through these interdictions of whom we may eat with, work with or marry. Between Biology. Race and the Reproduction of Memory lies social prescription and all its contradictions. The parallel of theories of evolution which have time scales which within a few decades have shifted from 45,000 years to 200,000 years are the book ends of evolutionism and diffusionism. Donaldson’s work on Afarensis and Lucy takes the evolutionary history back to three and a half million years! (Donaldson 1982: 286). The map keeps changing, as the concomitant theories define migration trails as the point of departure from out of Africa, across aeons, to specific nodal points of human emergence ( Angela Saini 2019). Caste and Race Caste emerges along three concomitantly disputed prongs of Hierachy, Caste and Race. It embraces questions of occupation, endogamy and commensality, and complicates questions of jyati and varna across a vast arena of social relations encompassing countless variations. These embrace the simple questions of “Who do you marry? Who do you eat with? What work do you do?” These questions are open ended questions regarding life choices, mobility and reproduction. When they become inscribed, then new/old problems arise. Is mobility possible? The old debates focussed on how we think about Anthropology itself. Colonial ethnography, so called “colonial maps of discovery” and the inherent race relations embodied in the narratives of description of the ‘Other’ are embedded in pedagogic practices. By the 1970s and 1980s, these hierarchies were dismissed. The new preoccupation was with what Levi Strauss called the “Unity of the Human Mind” (Levi Strauss 1976). Here, variability was compressed by the search for meaning in comparative societies. All over the world, since the time of Carl Jung, people have searched for the collective unconscious, and found similarities in patterns of thought. Accompanying this was the Weberian preoccupation of verstehen or subjective interpretation. Tristes Tropiques (1976) became the symbol of the need to place oneself in the text, to write ‘auto-ethnography’ as if it was Anthropology. To put yourself in the place of the ‘other’ compelled empathy and persuasiveness. It was an engaging method, which allowed the bleakness of the monotone of textual recording, and the lack of diachronic impulse in the Levi Straussean reproduction of myth, to have a new context. If varna presumed a four fold model of pan Indian Hinduism, jyati liberated it. Variations in food practices and sexual mores could be explained easily, such as regional tendencies to bigamy or non vegetarianism. In a detailed discussion Morris Carstairs showed that the non vegetarianism, use of alcohol and warrior occupations of the Kshatriyas was vehemently different from the vegetarianism and cereberal proclivities of the Brahmins ( Carstairs 1957). If bipedalism had resulted in exploration and food gathering, long journeys were explained. How to explain divergence then? Survival of the fittest was explained by the terms of all those who survive. Therefore variability could also mean exclusion (Peter Bowler 1989:324). The idea of a dominant race had been the problem for Sociological analyses, and racism had manifested itself as a response to activist success in humanitarian movements. Bowler writes: The theory of evolution allowed races to be considered strongly marked varieties, descended from a common stock but with widely different characteristics acquired in the course of their later separation. Grouping the races into a single species seemed necessary, because they still could interbreed. It was, nevertheless, widely held that hybrids from such a union possessed weak constitutions, confirming just how far the races have diverged (Bowler1989: 300). Kane’s edition of the Dharmashastra is also a good representation of how caste genealogies prefigured the breaking of prescribed marriage rules (Kane 1962). The punishments thereof were only an introduction to the birth of new family trees, and hence by proliferation of subcastes, caste ties. Inclusion by birth, marriage or persuasion became the key to homogenization of certain traits of cultural practice. It was about choice, but also about the accidents of history (Cybil in Visvanathan ed 2019.) MSS Pandian (2019) in the The Strangeness of Tamil Nadu: Contemporary History and the Political Culture of South India invokes Michel De Certeau’s description of habitable places. “Haunted places invert the panopticon” (Pandian 2019: 51). What is it that people leave behind? How is heritage understood? Why is there mass destruction? What is the time span of conservation? How do we understand nature? Why do want to view the past? These questions concern all of us as we look at the relation between past and present. The new concepts of hybridization in third gender studies defend the right to be different, and the necessity for recognition. Pandian argues, What spirals from the past are resurrected, what memories are evoked – these are as important to the future of a city as the fact that memories are diverse and will usually contest singular visions of the city (ibid 52). Pandian refers to reasons of conversion. In 1981, Muslims of Rahmatpuram were the Dalits of Meenaskhipuram (ibid 76). They gave up all the privileges which did not reach them. He believes that the death of history is the beginning of politics: It is for the Dalits to decide whether they wish to be Hindus, Christians, Muslims or atheists. It is not the business of the State to guide them towards any one of these, or other options, or close them completely. Education is meant to expand human choices rather than restrict them (ibid 162). In the next section I will look at the way in which the stereotyping of models of development led to the establishment of alternative voices both in activist as well as theory construction domains. Anthropology as self reflexive The rejection of Anthropology, by activists from tribal communities was the authoritative voice that set up Pratec, the Andean group that spoke on behalf of local farmers in Peru ( Marglin1998). There was a terminological shift from syncretism to hybrid, and then to “conversations”. Andean thinkers thought of themselves as digesting cultural processes, keeping some elements and throwing out others. They were significantly concerned with the role of choice. They described it as rearing cows instead of Llamas, wearing western clothes, driving fast cars, using modern technology. Rengifor from Pratec says that barley, cows, wooden ploughs, Jesus, Mary, Saints have all been incorporated - they are venerated but not worshipped- one reciprocates, but they are not set apart. The charges of essentialism or reductionism comes from seeing boundaries as non porous. Domination as in Western Science was not applicable. Pratec speaks of interculturalism where conversation or two ways flows between different collectivites are understood. Diversity is nurtured by inter cultural cross pollination (ibid 12) Marglin asks whether ethnography cannibalized people’s lives without furthering their livelihood chances (ibid 14). Does segmentalised work, the alienation of scientific and technological production really help in the production and reproduction of human life? Its real purpose is to control the worker. Plantations, or industrial agriculture, has proved that like the factory, the manager and the worker are at two levels – dispassionate knowledge and the actual context of work (ibid 15). Frederique Marglin engages with Kant’s The Conflict of the Faculties to show that Factory, Engineering, Administration/ Theology/Law/Medicine are under the control of the State, but Philosophy, Literature and the Arts are left free from surveillance (ibid 16). Academic freedom was linked to value neutrality, and the principle of verstehen. The birth of the University was in the monastery, communicating solitude and a vocation. However, Arts and Pure Sciences were to function as critics of the State ( ibid 16). Frederique Marglin is preoccupied with the question of power. How do experts appropriate power from their participants in any project? If such hierarchy is established what are our responsibilities as participants/observers in the field, and in our professions (ibid 20). She demarcates this as cognitive authority, the right to know, which can also be a form of domination. In short, the Andean agriculture scientists gave up that authority, their official places in state bureaucracies, and privileges therein, in order to work with people (ibid 21). They networked with their families, kin groups, other peasants. They abandoned the right to know from disciplinary concepts and put their trust in bonding with peasant groups. De-professionalisation meant giving up dual positions in the world they once shared with other specialists. Enrique Mayer, an American anthropologist found fault with Pratec (Andean Project for Peasant Technologies) because he said that its “harmony” with coexistence was not scientifically evaluated, quantifiable or ecologically consistent with their world view and scientific cognition of existential situations (ibid 22). The term “informant” is by itself hierarchical. Yet, Pratek argues that wisdom arises from mutual conversation, and is not directed only at empirical knowledge production (ibid 23). This jump is articulated by Rengfo of Pratec who argues that the word is not merely representation, it is. This presence of the word means that everything speaks, conversation involves total participation of the body - it is not merely speech. Representation is verbal and conceptual but conversation is participation. Frederique Marglin offers us Mandeville’s Fable of the Bees to say that virtue is a non-entity in the face of competition and conflict, because people anyway use the material benefits accruing from exploitation ( ibid 36.) in the terms of development ideologies pushed world over by a corporate elite, everything has to be changed, transformed, everything must push forward. Of this, genocide is a natural part. This involves getting rid of the adversary so that the end must be achieved. Thus, modern genocide is the movement to a particular society (ibid 39). Fiction as translating repressed histories In Decolonising Cultures in the Pacific: Reading History and Trauma in the Pacific, Susan Y Najita argues that there is a powerful subconscious at work in the authors who claim ‘native’ descent. Through their art and literature they allow orality to emerge. Their songs, poetry and fiction speak of their sorrow and rage at having their land taken away from them by colonizing races. These then assert their capitalist and commercial stakes in land as being legitimating globally the right to divest native people of traditional lands (Najita 2006). What arises is a particular kind of biculturalism, as local communities are either put to work as cheap labour in plantations with colonial masters, or are rendered impoverished and displaced when labourers from other countries are brought in (ibid 10). Literary fiction thus promotes the idea of magical realism as represented through the translation of trauma by vivid dream imagery. This is a kind of historical representation of all that could not be found in official histories (ibid 21). The intention here is to use an escape route for repressed histories by fictionalizing contexts and oppressive manipulations of the past by using people’s knowledge(s) and dialects. Pidgin/Creole becomes one of the essential ways, by which the transposition of formulaic language of diasporas appearing as enslaved labour, synthesizes. Najita writes, Genealogy is a living entity, enacted and transformed in everyday life. In contrast to western notions of genealogy which privilege linear descent and pedigree, Polynesian genealogies are structured loosely along the metaphor of a fishing net, invoked strategically depending on context and audience. Genealogical recounting records direct descent from parents or even multiple parentage, historical connection to specific places, as well as less formal practices invoking distant ancestral connections, relations of adoption and fostering, or even non-familial, non-biological linkages. In this context, how is western literate and linear genealogy – that emphasizes biological descent – function as colonial technologies of racialization? How do indigenous genealogical practices function as alternative to these colonial technologies? How are the effects of colonization – disease, dispossession, or death – registered in genealogical discontinuity? Conversely, how do these genealogical gaps function within anti-colonial nationalism? (ibid 23) Assimilation and unification in a global scenario allows domination to surface as people are assigned their status by occupation, race or caste. In a return to totemic lineages, and fantastic tales, contemporary literature which contextualizes through art and verse tries to evade the cosmopolitan predatory eye which seeks to universalize. In the inter-relatedness of tribal communities with subsistence agriculture lies the innovative puzzle of cross cultural manifestations. Fiction becomes one way by which comparative anthropologists actually decode the continuous appearance of maps. The Imaginary of the Past While alighting from an aeroplane in Kochi airport, in March 2022, the North Indian tourist was overheard saying to his son in Hindi, “Hum Aleppey jaa rahein hain. Voh Passific Ocean ke pass hai” (We are travelling to Aleppey. It lies near the Pacific Ocean). I was baffled by the map presented verbally to a child of eight years. Then I realized that just as there is an inter-relatedness of the islands of Hawai, Tahiti, French New Guinea and New Zealand wich appear in migration trails, so also the arrival of the coconut and boat in Kerala from the Pacific is part of that legendary and dramatic past of our coastal communities. Are the Irula similar to the Maori? As Levi Strauss would say, “similar” is not “same”. Speculative histories are essentially problematic, but are like sign posts of map making even in contemporary times. They feed documentary films and travelogues, where adventure lies in the recreation of possible archaic routes. It sustains the challenges of proving courage, tenacity and the solidarity of adventure tourism or scientific forays. Susan Najita speaks of the claim to a common ancestry, lying for the Maori in different canoes, and different cultures. (ibid 125). In this struggle to place clan loyalties within the grammar of diversity, she argues that local communities were able to represent themselves through the corporality of survival, and understanding the earth. They could keep records through poetry and literature of the statistics of native genocide and also of resistance. Marginalised or “peripheralised” communities could offer their stance vis a vis their impoverishment and imprisonment. ( ibid 142). The threat of extinction and the response of native communities is what she calls the oral/aural logic of “talking stink” (ibid 150). In the following section, I will look at the contexts in which working class populations understand their location within corporate industrialization. Manifestations of Current Reality in a Post Covid World Kerala has 168 engineering colleges, as the Gulf is a known back yard for continuous employment, interrupted only by wars between the West and Islamic countries. However, for Indians generally, love of the earth is a form of mysticism. Inspite of the mining contracts to diaspora Indians, the local communities have continually asserted their rights to land and agriculture. During Covid lockdown, lasting two years, the manual and contract workers returned to their family farms. Unemployment in cities, and fear of death, never the less, propelled them to return to agriculture. The number is believed to be 87 percent of the country. Land and agriculture are traditional legacies, inspite of partition of property and continuous out migration. People depend on their family farm produce to live in the city, taking cereals and edible oils, whenever they return to metropolitan hubs for work, in the service and industrial labour sector. In Peru, Pratec, the scientist bureaucrats gave up their jobs and privileges in government to join the people. They believed the time of agriculture to be sacred. There were familiar rituals. Techniques were passed on from generation to generation. This relation between magic/sciences/religions has often been discussed and is a concurrent debate. The distinctions are seen to be linear, and in the sociological models, they were evolutionary encompassing the ancient/medieval/modern typologies. There were therefore animistic practices/ theistic practices/rational principles all in some mosaic of juxtaposition. This is how time coalesces in a variety of livelihoods. These boundaries can also be blurred or abbreviated. The boundaries often collapse. Given this fluidity, how can we understand everyday practice? In some societies, religion may foreground the metaphors of science, where instrumentation is practical and technical but myth sacralises it across aeons. These narrative hues are myriad, and are acceptable to the believing subject, who perceives non duality between the icon and the actual production of work or skill. The hierarchy between sacred and profane is diminished by the passage of time, the process of adaptation, and the return to the real world where the liminal phase diminishes. It is here that the place of science fiction is paramount, because it helps people to adjust their received sensibilities to the possibilities of dramatic change. Here Time is a continuum across civilizational history, and myths and legends can converge. Sacred histories foreclose enquiry. ‘It is because it is.’ Ramayana uses the idea of the yantra (machine) to explain air travel, medical attention and warfare. Dalit experience of this ‘foreknowledge’ of sacred history is to understand Time as exploitation. Someone must do the work. Who then will do this work? Hannah Arendt called it The Human Condition, where women, slaves and animals did the work that was corporeally suited to their status (Arendt 1958). Karma theory was, therefore, in the caste system, the logistics of seeking and adaptation. Herein was the theory of relativity, where transmigration philosophically promoted the idea of belonging to many places or people at the same time. The many worlds were everpresent. The theological dictum was to understand birth as a never ceasing process, carrying on the baggage of the past. The theory of social relationships was ingrained in this narrative, where forgetting was embedded in the chance to begin anew. Yet, one had to pay for the errors of the past, and bestow blessings of work and vocation as dedicated, a never changing duty, in this life time. Here, the linguistic shifter, the I, is always in a relation with past, present and future. From this past nebula of social memory, the caste system created a fortress of lost opportunities and gainful chance. Kinship charts, affectual/fictive kinship roles all became imbued with the local legends, the parallels and naming of local places. Through forms of socialization, cohesive solidarity was formed through assimilation. On one side, there was Rule of Law (now culturally defined as ‘human rights’ and a consequence of westernization) and on the other the Charter of moral conduct, received knowledges, oral histories and transmission of texts. Digitalisation as the Consequence of Post Modern Intermeshing of Technology and Narrative Dissemination In this context, we have the digital revolution. What is fiction? What is identification? How are some texts rendered invisible? What happens with what Barthes called The Death of the Author (Barthes 1977: 142) How many authors are there in the compilation of a text, whether it is sacred literature, or the collaboration of scientists writing a paper for learned journals? Can Science and Rationality pursue the question of the direction of relearning, assimilation, exclusion, marginalization and forms of association? This brings us to the question of legitimization. Can Dalit intellectuals accept non dalits writing about their existential situation? Digitalisation creates new platforms but can also make retrieval problematic by the continuous problems of disappearance. It could be virus, the surveillance nanny or power circuit breakdowns (Visvanathan 2012). How much can we learn from local practitioners by the utilization of oral testimony? Traditional knowledge is retained in many societies by the work of “hearing”. Work with fisherpeople in the 1990s defined how they were masters of the sea and could read the stars, clouds, waves and the behaviour of strains of fish across the different currents of the sea (Visvanathan 2022). Julip Valdedid Rivera describes how Andean peasants read the stars and clouds, the generosity of plants in flowering seasons, or their scarcity, to examine and prophecy about the season. Reading signs extend to behavior of the animals and to birds and insects, as well as deciphering dreams. The peasant/farmer when looking at seeds finds new ones, uses them, moving onward when some don’t seem to grow (‘The seed is not following me’, he thinks). Peru has the greatest genetic variety. The number of strains in the Andean world is equal to the number of strains found in the rest of the world. The issue is not about origins, but about conservation (Marglin 1998:67). Music, food, congregation are joyous accompaniments to work – there are songs for everything (ibid 76). The neighbourhood and the body, referred to as the aylu and the chakra are the sites of a complex intermeshing where everything becomes manifested as organic work and sacred. Much of migration for work in India, too, has as its reference point the alliance between family and kin networks as points of harbor and sustenance. It is here that we understand the ideological assumptions of caste as an umbrella of dispositions and obligations. Myths and their Political Significance Irawati Karve takes the question of caste, assimilation and political identity to its extreme in Yuganta. Kinship charts are expanded with reference to affectual kinship, friendship, fictive kinship. Parallels and legends are explored (Karve 1993). Naming of local places, processes of socialization, and the cohesive solidarity formed through interaction, antagonistic or complementary are examined. This analysis of narrative as a play of real life theologies, and social norms, brings us to the contestation between the Indian Constitution which appears as a charter of moral conduct in opposition to, or in compatible relation with Received Knowledge, Tradition, Oral Histories and Transmission of Texts. What follows from this is the problem posed by the Digital Revolution. It is not just about how many authors are there to a given text, many of whom may be apocryphal. The Barthesian phrase death of the author famously represents the unaccompanied text, it must stand the test of time alone, on its own worth. The central problem is to ascertain that science and rationality can pursue the question of relearning: Assimilation vs Exclusion and Marginalisation. There are different forms of Association which present the nature of legitimation. How much can we learn from the intelligentsia of the people. Are we willing to learn from farmers, fishers, and local communities? Varieties of discursive knowledge are after all about dissemination of information, a metalanguage of conceptual productivity. The Debate on Innateness as Intrinsic to Learning Noam Chomsky (2003) argues that generative grammar is the ability to learn a language. There exist representations of meaning, representations of form, and between the two there are dynamic relations. The relations are arbitrary. The relation between grammatical structure and its validation is the link between Truth, Reality and Factuality. The linguistic validity of “I persuaded him it was Tuesday” is a case in point, linguistically correct and ideologically manipulative. So current right wing (Hindutva) positions on science and medicine such as cosmetic surgery, warfare and aeronautics, are persuasively placed as originating in sacred histories. In Science, concepts change continually. In Social Sciences, positions are personalized, and appear as perspectives, biases and ideologies. These can become homogeneous. It becomes, for those ideologically placed, a question of honour not to change. To modify one’s position is unthinkable: accusations of ‘You are refuting yourself’ follow any change in a give situation. Chomsky’s argument that human learning is cumulative is result of conditioning, instinct, habit which are the reasons that knowledge grows. Animals can convey received imprints of learning. (Chomsky 2003: 9)The grammar of vision is neurological and retinal imprints, but humans have language. Learning from seeing is a form of conditioning but for Science and Social science – seeing is not always believing for cognitive state will depend on stimulus, and this in turn on conditions of behavior. (ibid: 34) With regard to behavior, Chomsky says rats have better proficiency with regard to learned history, as has been seen in their ability to approach mazes, and sometimes, they are better than college students(ibid 17). With regard to language, however the comparison is ofcourse, more difficult. Knowledge is dependent on understanding, and belief is larger than capacity. Capacity is a skill – learning English is a capacity. Cognitive structures distinguish it from concepts of capacity and skills. (ibid 22) Universal grammar is dependent on cognitive capacity. That ability is incorporated into experience, stimulus, conditions, behavior. Linguistic theory is an aspect of human biology (ibid 34). The innateness hypothesis will specify a cognitive capacity, the faculty of mind, the relations between faculty, modes of maturation, interventions among them which are set in time (ibid 54). Through this there is the common sense understanding, which is also always questioned by science (ibid 35). The chief units for analyses here are Belief, Expectation, Knowledge concerning nature and behavior of objects, their place in a system of natural kinds, the organization of these categories, and analyses of events. Innateness will include place and role of people’s nature and conditions of work, the structure of human action, will and choice. There will exist empirical facts which are qualitative or descriptive. Chomsky confirms that institutional facts are dependent on social relations. Discovery is the bases of understanding change. The purpose of language is to communicate as the heart’s purpose is to pump blood, by which he returns to the uniqueness of individual representation and collective forms of ideation. We communicate primarily with other people, but we also talk to ourselves (ibid 55). So for us there is a propensity to use language. These however are each compounded by rules. There has to be consent to use these rules. This extends to the shared understanding of meanings. What is the non verbal action such as a slammed door, silence, an art installation? Choice of rules, and consent to them, depend on current cognitive status. Language can be used to communicate, to distance, to intend to deceive, to avoid an embarrassing silence (ibid 76) The rules that a person “accepts” do not tell him/her/they what to say (ibid 77). Fiction as Metalanguage Fiction then can be read as a parallel narrative. It is directed to an audience, expecting a response shift from meaning to intention. This is different from mastering a language. It involves interaction with other faculties: to amuse, divert, exasperate involving the study of emotions. Acquiring a language and learning its rules is thus different from innate grammar. The ability to use and speak a language has large connotations. It is not only about what rules are constituted or accepted, but under what conditions these rules are accepted (ibid 144). A mystery would arise if we were to attempt to account for the development of rules in terms of practices and customs. The caste system, for instance, is an inheritance of rules, prescriptions and proscriptions. As one man in Palakkad, Kerala said to me, “Every caste has a different culture. No need for interactions between them in relation to food, marriage customs, presentations.” This forecloses the possibility of equality. It is for this reason that caste society based on status ascription is seen to be a closed system. Lateral solidarities and hierarchical interactions are played out as set rules for which there is a known vocabulary. Hierarchy and service are defined in terms of given relationships where rules are paramount. A particular cognitive state allows for the acceptance of rules. It does not tell him/her what to say. Under what circumstances do we violate these rules? Chomsky suggests that cognitive structures are given generally by specialized knowledge like physics or biology which are learned over time. Knowledge in physics is learned painfully over time, selectively through careful instruction transmitted and modified continually. Grammar and commonsense are organized in the same way as bipedalism. The brain has a speech centre, and it is specifically located. The child having the cognitive capacity for universal grammar will also have the ability to evaluate (ibid 144). Chomsky asks, Is commonsense or language learning equivalent to learning physics?(ibid 157). The debate between Piaget and Chomsky over innate and socialized knowledge has been masterfully chronicled by Piatteli-Palmarini (1983) who shows us that prioritizing nature or culture are problematic, since they are interlocked in dialogic ways. The Cultural Language of Power This is where Donna J Haraway discusses the notion of hierarchy. She refers to male primal domination. Women as foragers and food gatherers and gardeners are in charge of every day needs. However, masculine activities such as war and hunting were noticeable, the rest was seen to be the insignificant work of women based on love and responsibility. Sexuality, docility and subjugation were the recognized grammar. She writes, “Often the future is given by the possibility of a past. Sciences also act by legitimating metalanguages that produce homologies between social and symbolic systems.” (Haraway 1992: 42) The terrain of primatology (our link with the past) is the contested zone. The future is the issue. The contested zone is marked by capitalism and male domination (ibid). Biopolitics is organized around genetics. The code is lexical, it is to use the grammar of genes as a meaning system using signs, punctuation, semiotics, directional informational flow. Statistical control of the mass through sophisticated communication systems becomes a global phenomenon (ibid 46). Sociobiology and engineering are the key genetic principle. This leads to the formulaic language of Brain/Mind/ Sex/ Instinct as a given, which altruism mitigates. For Chimps it was male dominance and aggression, with favouritism to specific females during the fertile period. For humans there were coded cultural rules pertaining to marriage and prostitution. Dominance as a drive, according to Haraway was not sex specific. It was the organism’s basic hunger for social status ( ibid 53). Cultural parameters such as inheritance and gender meant that men tended to dominate. Inclusive fitness meant that women were absent in genealogies, naming tended to be patrilineal. At what level does selection occur? One would have to take into account kin selection, sexual selection, parental investment. For sociobiology, the gene is the greatest replicator (ibid 60). According to this argument, Nature provides for asexual selection to cast forth structured insect societies with only one reproductive pair, to role diversified societies with many reproducing members. Sociobiology analyses all behavior in terms of the great genetic market place (ibid 60). Sex is an evolutionary mover, which brings about competition and individualization, therefore plurality (ibid 62). This is not about group selection but for the genetic condition of continued system persistence (ibid 103). In the process of analyzing Labour vs Alienated Labour, the Feminist Question becomes the right of/to sexuality. Countering appropriation of sexual labour by men, women asserted their rights to autonomy of choice (ibid 138). The argument goes that if kinship vested rights in women, slavery abolished kinship for one group: whole groups were produced as alienable property( ibid 145). Prominent white feminists were married to well known white citizens but black women were owned by them. Race and sexuality are both social constructions, they are imaginary locations of the body. Jung’s assertion that men and women equally participated in the relation of anima and animus became a window towards freedom: a breaking away from stereotypes. The grammar of slavery, the lexical imagery was about free and unfree offspring (ibid 146). Slave mothers could not transmit a name, they could not be wives, they were outside the system of marriage exchange. Slaves were unpositioned, unfixed in a system of names; they were specifically unlocated and so disposable. In these discursive frames, white women were not legally or symbolically fully human; slaves were not legally or symbolically human at all. To give birth unfreely to the heirs of property is not the same as to give birth unfreely to property. To be subject in the Western sense meant reconstituting women outside the relations of objectification (as gift, commodity, object of desire) an appropriation ( of babies, sex, services) (ibid 146). For slaves – procuring freedom meant freedom from destruction through lynching, imprisonment, forced pregnancy, coercive sterilisation, inadequate housing, racial education, drug addiction (ibid). For white women, the concept of property in the self, the ownership of one’s own body in relation to reproductive freedom has more readily focused on the field of events around conception, pregnancy, abortion and birth. The divisibility of women’s writing is obscured by questions of marginality, altereity and difference. You have to be adopted by capitalist hegemonies to appear in the established scenario of success. The cyborg is resolutely committed to partiality, irony, intimacy and perversity:the personal is political. It is both utopian while completely without innocence. No distinctions are made between the public and the private, the polarity dissolves. The cyborg defines a technological polis based partly on a revolution of social relations in the oikos, the household (ibid 151). Sexual objectification is to be defined by another’s desire. The result is illusion and desire. To be constituted by another’s desire is not the same as to be alienated from another’s labour, or from the product one makes (ibid 162). In the informatics of Domination the entry into cyberspace means two things: Homogeneity and Exclusion, Diversity and Variation. Successor Science with its known choreographies is replaced with partial knowledge, post modernist accounts of difference, leading to the material semiotic actor ( ibid 162).This fragmentation is simultaneously tragic and creative, leading to volatile emotions and starkly honest projections. Camaflouge is disowned. Angela Saini argues that Ashley Montagu showed logically that race was a myth to propogate hierarchization. It was the blurring of categories that made human life possible. Following this, the UNESCO took out a charter defining common human origins in species classification. (Saini 2019 18, 19).However the Covid epidemic in 2020 where media showed how deeply ingrained the difference in treatment was for differently coloured people in America.It brought back questions of racial segregation, as did the Black Lives Matter movement. Sarah Ahmed compels us to believe that any focus on difference and personal choice leads to both individuation and selection. We must understand the discomfort that arises from not fitting in, but speaking out…what then happens to the killjoy who will not be silenced? Feminism’s radical movements often arise from not looking back, from accepting class and gender locations, and asking questions about race and conventions. Inter racial meeting points allow for evolutionary histories of colour coding, where white feminisms self congratulatory moments depended on passing on labour and household tasks to others. Liberation of a few depended on the subjugation and control of many. The problem never went away. The moment that forced labour, leading to forced migration, sets up hierarchies of human placement, the problem returns, classically posed as questions of class and occupation in the developed and ‘undeveloped world.’ Much of the questions of the right to life and justice arose from third world ghettoization in the first world. As Angela Saini remarks, acknowledgements to one’s parents is sufficient, but that returns us to the test tube as genetrix in a post Covid world. Bibliography Ahmed, Sara. 2017. Leading A Feminist Life Durham:Duke University Press Arndt, Hannah. 1958. The Human Condition. Chicago: The thatUniversity of Chicago Press Barthes, Roland: 1977 Image, Music, Text New York, Fontana Bowler, Peter J. 1989. Evolution: The History of an Idea Berkeley, University of California Press. Carstairs, Morris. 1957 The Twice Born: A Study of A Community of High Caste Hindus. London: Hogarth Press Chomsky,Noam. 2003. On Language. New Delhi: Penguin Cybil, K.V. 2019. History, Hierarchy and Ritual: Critical Comments on a Goddess Cult in Susan Visvanathan Art, Politics, Symbols, Religion. Delhi: Winshield Press Johanson, Donald and E. Maitland Edey 1982 Lucy: The Beginnings of Humankind New York:Warner Books Haraway,Donna 1991 Simians, Cyborgs and Women: The Reinvention of Nature New York Routledge Karve, Irawati 1993 Yuganta:The End of an Epoch. Delhi: Orient Blackswan Kane, P.V 1962 History of the Dharmashastras. Pune: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute Levi Strauss, Claude 1976.Tristes Tropiques. Harmondsworth, Penguin Marglin, Frederique. 1998. The Spirit of Regeneration: Andean Culture Confronting Western Notions of Development London: Zed books Najita, Susan Y. 2008. Decolonizing Cultures in the Pacific: Reading History and Trauma in Contemporary Fiction. Abingdon: Taylor and Frances Pandian,M.S.S. 2019. The Strangeness of Tamil Nadu Ranikhet and Delhi Permanent Black Panikkar, Raimundo. 1979. Mantramanjari: The Vedic Experience. London:Longman and Todd Piatteli-Palmarini Massimo: 1983. Language and Learning: The Debate Between Jean Piaget and Noam Chomsky London: Routledge and Kegan Paul Saini, Angela 2019: Race: The Return of Race Science. New Delhi: Harper Collins. Sinha Kapur, Nandini. 2011. Environmental History of Early India Delhi: Oxford University Press Visvanathan, Susan. 2012 Reading Marx, Weber and Durkheim Today. Delhi: Winshield Press 2019 Art, Politics, Symbols, Religion. Delhi: Winshield Press Acknowledgements: IISER Bhopal where this paper was read to Humanities and Social Science students on 16th January 2023. I’m grateful to K.V Cybil, Anandita Pan, Renny Thomas, Vinita Gowda and to Siva Umapathy for opportunities for interdisciplinary interaction. I am also grateful to Sowmya Dechamma, University of Hyderabad, and her team for their invitation to me, to give a keynote address at the Researchers at Work Conference, on “Communities in Context: Contesting Histories and Cultures”, at Centre for Comparitive Literature, 27th to 29th March 2023.